Securing the state, undermining democracy: internationalization and privatization of western militaries

Changes in the field of security since the 1990s triggered off a number of still continuing military transformations in liberal democracies. Since their armed forces were designed for the purposes of the bipolar Cold war security constellation, they have been “redesigned” according to the new tasks as agreed upon in the new NATO strategic concepts or the assignments for the Europeanized forces within the European Union: Conflict prevention, crisis intervention, counter-terrorism have been added to the range of deployment missions. This recent transformation of the armed forces is pushed ahead in the political spirit of new public management well known from other policy areas in the OECD countries. The proclaimed reforms are guided by efficiency and effectiveness principles only, issues of democratic control and integration of the armed forces into the society are marginalized in the political discourse. But integration and cooperation within international organizations is only one of the two trends detrimental to democratic control of the military; increasing contracting with Private Security and Military Companies is the other. Contracting is intended to reduce political and financial costs and risks for Western governments. The authors argue that, in the long run, both trends of privatization and internationalization, though they seem to run into opposite directions from a purely etatist perspective, result in the joint effect of exacerbating democratic control and accountability of security policies. This point is illustrated by the employment of private military companies by the US government agencies and US military and the reform of the German armed forces. -- Seit Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts befinden sich die westlichen Streitkräfte in einem anhaltenden Transformationsprozess. Waren die Streitkräfte zuvor an der bipolaren Sicherheitskonstellation des Kalten Krieges ausgerichtet, werden sie seit 1990 umstrukturiert, um neue Missionen zu erfüllen, wie sie in den strategischen Konzepten der NATO oder den Aufgabenfeldern der Europäischen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik definiert sind. Unter den Vorzeichen eines New Public Managements vorangetrieben, das in den letzten Jahrzehnten als ökonomisch inspiriertes Reformprinzip bereits zahlreiche andere Politikfelder der OECD-Staaten geprägt hat, sind die Umstrukturierungen der Streitkräfte vorwiegend an Effizienz- und Effektivitäts-Gesichtspunkten orientiert. Fragen der demokratischen Kontrolle und der Integration des Militärs in die jeweilige Gesellschaft werden dagegen im politischen Diskurs vernachlässigt. Zwei Entwicklungstrends kennzeichnen derzeit die westliche Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik: die Integration und Kooperation westlicher Streitkräfte im Rahmen von internationalen Organisationen sowie der zunehmende Einsatz privater Sicherheitsunternehmen. Obwohl Internationalisierung und Privatisierung von Sicherheitspolitik in einer staatszentrierten Perspektive auf den ersten Blick gegenläufige Tendenzen einer Stärkung der Exekutive einerseits und der Schwächung des Staates andererseits zu markieren scheinen, tragen jedoch beide zu einer Schädigung der nationalstaatlichen Demokratie bei. Diese These erläutern die Autorinnen anhand des vermehrten Rückgriffs der US-amerikanischen Regierung auf private Sicherheitsanbieter sowie der Transformation der deutschen Streitkräfte.

Securing the state, undermining democracy: internationalization and privatization of western militaries

Changes in the field of security since the 1990s triggered off a number of still continuing military transformations in liberal democracies. Since their armed forces were designed for the purposes of the bipolar Cold war security constellation, they have been “redesigned” according to the new tasks as agreed upon in the new NATO strategic concepts or the assignments for the Europeanized forces within the European Union: Conflict prevention, crisis intervention, counter-terrorism have been added to the range of deployment missions. This recent transformation of the armed forces is pushed ahead in the political spirit of new public management well known from other policy areas in the OECD countries. The proclaimed reforms are guided by efficiency and effectiveness principles only, issues of democratic control and integration of the armed forces into the society are marginalized in the political discourse. But integration and cooperation within international organizations is only one of the two trends detrimental to democratic control of the military; increasing contracting with Private Security and Military Companies is the other. Contracting is intended to reduce political and financial costs and risks for Western governments. The authors argue that, in the long run, both trends of privatization and internationalization, though they seem to run into opposite directions from a purely etatist perspective, result in the joint effect of exacerbating democratic control and accountability of security policies. This point is illustrated by the employment of private military companies by the US government agencies and US military and the reform of the German armed forces.Seit Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts befinden sich die westlichen Streitkräfte in einem anhaltenden Transformationsprozess. Waren die Streitkräfte zuvor an der bipolaren Sicherheitskonstellation des Kalten Krieges ausgerichtet, werden sie seit 1990 umstrukturiert, um neue Missionen zu erfüllen, wie sie in den strategischen Konzepten der NATO oder den Aufgabenfeldern der Europäischen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik definiert sind. Unter den Vorzeichen eines New Public Managements vorangetrieben, das in den letzten Jahrzehnten als ökonomisch inspiriertes Reformprinzip bereits zahlreiche andere Politikfelder der OECD-Staaten geprägt hat, sind die Umstrukturierungen der Streitkräfte vorwiegend an Effizienz- und Effektivitäts-Gesichtspunkten orientiert. Fragen der demokratischen Kontrolle und der Integration des Militärs in die jeweilige Gesellschaft werden dagegen im politischen Diskurs vernachlässigt. Zwei Entwicklungstrends kennzeichnen derzeit die westliche Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik: die Integration und Kooperation westlicher Streitkräfte im Rahmen von internationalen Organisationen sowie der zunehmende Einsatz privater Sicherheitsunternehmen. Obwohl Internationalisierung und Privatisierung von Sicherheitspolitik in einer staatszentrierten Perspektive auf den ersten Blick gegenläufige Tendenzen einer Stärkung der Exekutive einerseits und der Schwächung des Staates andererseits zu markieren scheinen, tragen jedoch beide zu einer Schädigung der nationalstaatlichen Demokratie bei. Diese These erläutern die Autorinnen anhand des vermehrten Rückgriffs der US-amerikanischen Regierung auf private Sicherheitsanbieter sowie der Transformation der deutschen Streitkräfte

From Democratic Peace to Democratic Distinctiveness: A Critique of Democratic Exceptionalism in Peace and Conflict Studies

Over the last two decades or so, there has been a democratic turn in peace and conflict research, i.e. the peculiar impact of democratic politics on a wide range of security issues has attracted more and more attention. Many of these studies are inspired by Immanuel Kant\u27s famous essay on Perpetual Peace. In this article, we present a critical discussion of the democratic distinctiveness programme that emerged from the Democratic Peace debate and soon spread to cover, among other issues, institutionalized cooperation, trade relations, and arms control. As our review makes clear, research so far has been based on an overly naive reading of a Kantian peace. In particular, the manifold forms of violence that democracies have exerted, have been treated either as a challenge to the Democratic Peace proposition or as an undemocratic contaminant and pre-democratic relict. In contrast, we argue that forms of democratic violence should no longer be kept at arm\u27s length from the democratic distinctiveness programme but instead should be elevated to a main field of study. While we acknowledge the benefits of this expanding research programme, we also address a number of normative pitfalls implied in this scholarship such as lending legitimacy to highly questionable foreign policy practices by Western democracies. We conclude with suggestions for a somewhat more self-reflective and critical research agenda of a democratically turned peace and conflict studies. IR research in this field might benefit from drawing on the Frankfurt school tradition and from incorporating insights from democratic theory and empirical studies on the crisis of democracy

From Democratic Peace to Democratic Distinctiveness: A Critique of Democratic Exceptionalism in Peace and Conflict Studies

Over the last two decades or so, there has been a democratic turn in peace and conflict research, i.e. the peculiar impact of democratic politics on a wide range of security issues has attracted more and more attention. Many of these studies are inspired by Immanuel Kant\u27s famous essay on Perpetual Peace. In this article, we present a critical discussion of the democratic distinctiveness programme that emerged from the Democratic Peace debate and soon spread to cover, among other issues, institutionalized cooperation, trade relations, and arms control. As our review makes clear, research so far has been based on an overly naive reading of a Kantian peace. In particular, the manifold forms of violence that democracies have exerted, have been treated either as a challenge to the Democratic Peace proposition or as an undemocratic contaminant and pre-democratic relict. In contrast, we argue that forms of democratic violence should no longer be kept at arm\u27s length from the democratic distinctiveness programme but instead should be elevated to a main field of study. While we acknowledge the benefits of this expanding research programme, we also address a number of normative pitfalls implied in this scholarship such as lending legitimacy to highly questionable foreign policy practices by Western democracies. We conclude with suggestions for a somewhat more self-reflective and critical research agenda of a democratically turned peace and conflict studies. IR research in this field might benefit from drawing on the Frankfurt school tradition and from incorporating insights from democratic theory and empirical studies on the crisis of democracy

The Russian War Against Ukraine and Its Implications for the Future of Liberal Interventionism

The Russian war against Ukraine has already had crucial implications for the future of liberal interventionism. Drawing on current debates in IR about the transformation of the global world order, the article outlines how processes of global reordering affect (liberal) interventionism at different scales. The article argues that what has become known as the liberal international order is in retreat, at the expense of liberal peace-oriented international interventions. At the same time, current geopolitical realignments appear to be dividing the world into new spheres of influence, pitting democracies against autocracies at the global level and within regional conflicts. However, when it comes to security interventions and peacekeeping, the emerging realities on the ground, where a growing number of actors with different agendas interact, are more complex than simplistic world-order narratives suggest. Using the cases of international peacekeeping and security assistance as examples, the article shows that in some current international intervention sites, the emerging "multi-order world" is characterised by complicated constellations of parallel external assistance offers and rapid shifts in allegiances that do not necessarily follow clear divisions between "authoritarian" and "liberal" forms of assistance. The article therefore does not confirm expectations of the emergence of a "new Cold War" and a new round of ideological competition between international systems

Deliberating foreign policy: perceptions and effects of citizen participation in Germany

Citizen participation has been a popular format in policy fields like environmental and climate policies for many years. More recently, however, it has extended to issues of foreign policy which has long been considered as a prerogative of the executive in democratic systems. This paper analyses citizen participation in German foreign policy by comparing deliberative-participatory processes implemented by the German Federal Foreign Office (AA) and the Ministry for the Environment, Nature Conservation, and Nuclear Safety (BMU). We draw on recent scholarship in the field of deliberative democracy in order to gain a better understanding how the two ministries understand citizen participation, how they implement these processes, and what effects they have on formal decision-making. Using interviews, participant observation, and document analysis, we investigate two processes of citizen participation in depth. We argue that ministerial understandings of citizen participation determine how they design formats in their respective field. This leads to quite divergent implementations and results of deliberative-participatory formats in the field of foreign policy, depending on whether the AA or the BMU initiates them

Umstritten, aber wirkungsvoll: die Frankfurter Flughafen-Mediation

'Kaum eine Woche vergeht ohne Pressemeldungen über den geplanten Ausbau des Frankfurter Flughafens; der Austausch von Argumenten zwischen Gegnern und Befürwortern verläuft nicht selten hitzig und emotional aufgeladen. Immerhin wird der Konflikt ausschließlich verbal ausgetragen, Ausschreitungen hat es in der jüngsten Vergangenheit nicht gegeben. Denn bereits in den 1980er Jahren hat der siebtgrößte Flughafen der Welt zu einem der größten innenpolitischen Konflikte der deutschen Nachkriegsgeschichte geführt. In lebhafter Erinnerung sind die Auseinandersetzungen am Zaun des Rhein-Main-Flughafens zwischen Polizisten und Ausbau-Gegnern der 'Startbahn West'. Vor diesem Hintergrund wirkte die Forderung des damaligen Lufthansa-Vorstandsvorsitzenden Jürgen Weber im Herbst 1997 schockierend auf die Flughafenanrainer. Damit wurde die erneute Ausbau-Debatte angestoßen. Um einer Eskalation wie zu Zeiten der 'Startbahn West' schon frühzeitig vorzubeugen, wurde im Sommer 1998 ein Mediationsverfahren ins Leben gerufen, das vor rund vier Jahren zum Abschluss kam. Die Mediation war in vielerlei Hinsicht wirkungsvoll: die Empfehlungen im Mediationsbericht stellten sich für alle Seiten als überraschend dar, und wurden von der Mehrheit der Landtagsparteien zustimmend aufgenommen. Doch entstanden aufgrund des Verfahrens neue Konflikte, da Gestaltung und Ziele umstritten waren. Auch über die Verbindlichkeit der Ergebnisse für die politischen Entscheidungsträger gibt es erhebliche Kontroversen, wie sich bis heute im Regionalen Dialogforum zeigt. Die Autorin bilanziert, welche positiven Wirkungen und welche neuen Probleme die Mediation in der Ausbaudebatte erzeugt hat. In der politikwissenschaftlichen Perspektive der Autorin steht die Mediation als politisches Instrument im Mittelpunkt. Hierbei müssen Bewertungen von Positionen der Konfliktparteien und Sachfragen zurückstehen. Bevor über die nun anstehenden und laufenden Gerichtsverhandlungen rund um den Flughafenausbau die Mediation und ihre Ergebnisse in Vergessenheit geraten, erinnert dieser Report an die Verdienste wie auch kritischen Momente dieses in Wissenschaft und Öffentlichkeit vielbeachteten Verfahrens.' (Autorenreferat

Impact of percutaneous mitral valve repair using the MitraClip™ system on ventricular arrhythmias and ICD therapies

Transcatheter edge-to-edge repair (TEER) using the MitraClip™ device has been established as a suitable alternative to mitral valve surgery in patients with severe mitral regurgitation (MR) and high or prohibitive surgical risk. Only limited information regarding the impact of TEER on ventricular arrhythmias (VA) has been reported. The aim of the present study was to assess the impact of TEER using the MitraClip(TM) device on the burden of VA and ICD (Implantable Cardioverter Defibrillator) therapies. Among 600 MitraClip(TM) implantations performed in our clinic between September 2009 and October 2018, we identified 86 patients with successful TEER and an active implantable cardiac device (pacemaker, ICD, CRT-P/D (Cardiac Resynchronization Therapy-Pacemaker/Defibrillator)) eligible for retrospective VA analyses. These patients presented with mainly functional MR (81.4%) and severely reduced left ventricular ejection fraction (mean LVEF 22.1% ± 10.3%). The observation period comprised 456 ± 313 days before and 424 ± 287 days after TEER. The burden of ventricular arrhythmias (sustained ventricular tachycardia (sVT) and ventricular fibrillation (VF)) was significantly reduced after TEER (0.85 ± 3.47 vs. 0.43 ± 2.03 events per patient per month, p = 0.01). Furthermore, the rate of ICD therapies (anti-tachycardia pacing (ATP) and ICD shock) decreased significantly after MitraClip(TM) implantation (1.0 ± 3.87 vs. 0.32 ± 1.41, p = 0.014). However, reduction of VA burden did not result in improved two-year survival in this patient cohort with severely reduced LVEF. Mitral valve TEER using the MitraClip™ device was associated with a significant reduction of ventricular arrhythmias and ICD therapies

2019: A Changing International Order? Implications for the Security Environment

KCIS2019 examined the implications of the changing international order for international security. It studied the hypercompetitive, multipolar environment in which we find ourselves, marked by a persistent struggle for influence and position within a “grey zone” of competition. This edited collection features contributions from academic and military experts who have examined the future of the liberal international order and what is at stake. These evidence-based examinations discuss the challenges to the order, and why it has been so difficult to articulate a compelling narrative to support the continuation of American leadership.https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1922/thumbnail.jp

Glycine receptor autoantibody binding to the extracellular domain is independent from receptor glycosylation

Glycine receptor (GlyR) autoantibodies are associated with stiff-person syndrome and the life-threatening progressive encephalomyelitis with rigidity and myoclonus in children and adults. Patient histories show variability in symptoms and responses to therapeutic treatments. A better understanding of the autoantibody pathology is required to develop improved therapeutic strategies. So far, the underlying molecular pathomechanisms include enhanced receptor internalization and direct receptor blocking altering GlyR function. A common epitope of autoantibodies against the GlyRα1 has been previously defined to residues 1 A- 33 G at the N-terminus of the mature GlyR extracellular domain. However, if other autoantibody binding sites exist or additional GlyR residues are involved in autoantibody binding is yet unknown. The present study investigates the importance of receptor glycosylation for binding of anti-GlyR autoantibodies. The glycine receptor α1 harbors only one glycosylation site at the amino acid residue asparagine 38 localized in close vicinity to the identified common autoantibody epitope. First, non-glycosylated GlyRs were characterized using protein biochemical approaches as well as electrophysiological recordings and molecular modeling. Molecular modeling of non - glycosylated GlyRα1 did not show major structural alterations. Moreover, non-glycosylation of the GlyRα1 N38Q did not prevent the receptor from surface expression. At the functional level, the non-glycosylated GlyR demonstrated reduced glycine potency, but patient GlyR autoantibodies still bound to the surface-expressed non-glycosylated receptor protein in living cells. Efficient adsorption of GlyR autoantibodies from patient samples was possible by binding to native glycosylated and non-glycosylated GlyRα1 expressed in living not fixed transfected HEK293 cells. Binding of patient-derived GlyR autoantibodies to the non-glycosylated GlyRα1 offered the possibility to use purified non-glycosylated GlyR extracellular domain constructs coated on ELISA plates and use them as a fast screening readout for the presence of GlyR autoantibodies in patient serum samples. Following successful adsorption of patient autoantibodies by GlyR ECDs, binding to primary motoneurons and transfected cells was absent. Our results indicate that the glycine receptor autoantibody binding is independent of the receptor’s glycosylation state. Purified non-glycosylated receptor domains harbouring the autoantibody epitope thus provide, an additional reliable experimental tool besides binding to native receptors in cell-based assays for detection of autoantibody presence in patient sera