311 research outputs found
The natural resources deficit: the implications for German politics. OSW Commentary No. 46, 2011-02-08
Falling amounts of natural resources and the ‘peak oil’ question, i.e. the point
in time when the maximum rate of extraction of easily-accessible oil reserves
is reached, have been among the key issues in public debate in Germany
on all levels: expert, business and – most crucially – the government level.
The alarming assessments of German analysts anticipate a rapid shrinkage of
oil reserves and a sharp rise in oil prices, which in the longer term will affect
the economic and political systems of importer countries. Concerns about the
consequences of the projected resource deficit, especially among representatives
of German industry, are also fuelled by the stance of those countries
which export raw materials. China, which meets 97% of global demand for
minerals crucial for the production of new technologies, cut its exports by
40% in summer 2010 (compared to 2009), arguing that it had to protect its
reserves from overexploitation.
In 2009 the value of natural resources Germany imported reached €84 billion,
of which €62 billion were spent on energy carriers, and €22 billion on metals.
For Germany, the shrinkage of resources is a political problem of the utmost
importance, since the country is poor in mineral resources and has to acquire
petroleum and other necessary raw materials abroad1. In autumn 2010,
the German minister of economy initiated the establishment of a Resources
Agency designed to support companies in their search for natural resources,
and the government prepared and adopted a national Raw Material Strategy.
In the next decade the policy of the German government, including foreign
policy, will be affected by the consequences of the decreasing availability of
natural resources. It can be expected that the mission of the Bundeswehr
will be redefined, and the importance of African states and current exporter
countries such as Russia and China for German policies will increase. At the
same time, Germany will seek to strengthen cooperation among importer
countries, which should make pressure on resource-exporting states more
effective. In this context, it can be expected that the efforts taken to develop
an EU resource strategy or even a ‘comprehensive resource policy’ will
be intensified; or at least, the EU’s energy policy will permanently include
the issue of sourcing raw materials
Forerunners or scaremongers? Germany to abandon nuclear power. OSW Commentary No. 58, 2011-07-21
The German government’s final decision to abandon nuclear power as of
2022 has been expected for months. However, instead of calming the waters,
providing solutions and answering the question ‘What next?’, it has
only fanned the flames. Even the adoption of legal amendments enforcing
the government’s decision by the German parliament (both the Bundestag
and the Bundesrat) in late June and early July has not calmed the situation.
It is more than apparent that these decisions have been made under
emotional pressure: there was not enough time for accurate calculations
to be made and consideration to be given to the consequences of Germany
abandoning nuclear power. Chancellor Angela Merkel has so far been unable
to fully convince the public that the ‘energy shift is a huge opportunity’
and that this process will be carried out on condition that ‘the supplies
remain secure, the climate protected and the whole process economically
efficient’1. German economic associations have warned against a politically
motivated, ill-judged and irreversible abandonment of nuclear energy.
They are anxious about an increase in electricity prices, the instability of
supplies and environmental damage. The government believes, however, that
green technologies will become a new driving force for the German economy
and its main export commodity. Before that happens the industry will have
to increase its use of electricity produced from fossil fuels, mainly natural gas
imported from Russia. This may be exploited by Gazprom which will try to
strengthen its position on the German market, and thus in the entire EU
Germany in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict: a political or a humanitarian mission? OSW Commentary No. 163, 2015-02-18
Since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, profound changes in Germany’s thinking about Russia, its political elite and foreign policy, can be observed. The trust most German politicians had in their former strategic partner has now lessened. At the same time, Germany has been particularly involved in the process of resolving the conflict, which was demonstrated by the intensive diplomatic actions it undertook. When these failed, Chancellor Angela Merkel did not hesitate to force through the introduction and maintenance of economic sanctions. At the same time, however, this evolution in Germany’s thinking about Russia has not translated into any change in the two basic assumptions of the German attitude towards a possible solution to the conflict. First, Germany supports the concept of ‘strategic patience’ in politics in the context of Russia’s aggression. Second, it is convinced that Europe is fated to cooperate with the Russian Federation, and Europe’s welfare and security are only possible with Russia as a partner in cooperation, not against it or without it. Therefore, in the immediate future no radical change in Germany’s policy as pursued so far should be expected. This provokes questions concerning not only the effectiveness of Berlin’s current actions, but also – in a broader sense – Germany’s ability to negotiate and achieve real, political solutions to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, reaching beyond (another) ceasefire. The Minsk agreements of 12 February can be considered a success worthy of a humanitarian mission carried out in the hope of reducing the number of casualties. However, the political mission undertaken by Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier aimed at “ensuring Europe’s security order”[1] has so far resulted in the sense of helplessness and frustration which have recently dominated Germany’s policy towards Russia[2]
The expensive energy revolution in Germany. The implementation of the Energiewende is behind schedule. OSW Commentary No. 77, 2012-05-10
One year after the events of Fukushima the implementation of the new
German energy strategy adopted in the summer of 2011 is being verified.
Business circles, experts and publicists are sounding the alarm. The tempo
at which the German economy is being rearranged in order that it uses renewable
energy sources is so that it has turned out to be an extremely difficult
and expensive task. The implementation of the key guidelines of the
new strategy, such as the development of the transmission networks and
the construction of new conventional power plants, is meeting increasing
resistance in the form of economic and legal difficulties. The development
of the green technologies sector is also posing problems. The solar energy
industry, for example, is excessively subsidised, whereas the subsidies for
the construction of maritime wind farms are too low. At present, only those
guidelines of the strategy which are evaluated as economically feasible
by investors or which receive adequate financial support from the state
have a chance of being carried through. The strategy may also turn out
to be unsuccessful due to the lack of a comprehensive coordination of its
implementation and the financial burden its introduction entails for both
the public and the economy. In the immediate future, the German government
will make efforts not only to revise its internal regulations in order
to enable the realisation of the energy transformation; it is also likely to
undertake a number of measures at the EU forum which will facilitate this
realisation. One should expect that the German government will actively
support the financing of both the development of the energy networks
in EU member states and the development of renewable energy sources
in the energy sector
Jakość usług informacyjnych biblioteki akademickiej jako ważny element gospodarki opartej na wiedzy
Universities retrieve a very important role in the creation of a know-ledge-based economy on innovation sectors, regions and enterprises. These institutions are increasingly using new technologies of information to heighten awareness about the advisability of using them to create a new, competitive economic reality.
Expectations of the science sector are associated with the processes of knowledge building and their transfer to the economy and creating conditions conductive to the learner’s regions.
University libraries fulfill a particular role in the codification and sharing of information and the creation of conditions for which they were obtained by different users. The quality of services offered by these entities is therefore a key aspect of the user to zoom in and familiar with modern technologies. The article deals with the subject of the quality of information services carried out in an academic library as an essential part of the strategy of innovation and knowledge-based economy, and also proposes a cost of quality of such services
Short and Sweet. Symbolism of Strawberries in Katherine Mansfield’s Short Stories
Strawberries were the fruit that the Modernists and Modernism were very fond of. It thus should not be a surprise that strawberries also feature in Modernist prose texts of Katherine Mansfield. Although they make their appearance only in a couple of stories, and then merely for a brief moment, they should not by any means be treated as mere tiny blots belonging to the background. For when we take a closer look at them it turns out that, as is usually the case with Mansfield’s short stories, there is more to it than meets the eye. Seemingly unimportant, often unnoticed and therefore frequently underestimated, this small, sweet, red and fragrant fruit makes a significant statement in every text it is mentioned
On the Verge of the (Un)Known: Zero Hour by Ray Bradbury and the Paintings of René Magritte
The article discusses the correlation of ambience in Ray Bradbury’s science fiction short story
Zero Hour and the paintings by a well-known Belgian Surrealist René Magritte. It specifies
first the influences of Scuola Metaphysica on creating the specific poignant atmosphere visible
in the works of the painter and then focuses on pointing out similar notions in the short
story by Bradbury. Next, the article analyses the techniques, employed by both the artist
and the writer, that help to create the above-mentioned mood. The focus is predominantly
on Bradbury’s narrative where the linguistic level as well as the visual one are considered
and then the analysis follows in relation to such mechanisms as contrast, juxtaposition, non
sequitur or dépaysement
It's not (only) about Erika Steinbach. Three myths in the German discourse on the resettlements. OSW Point of View, August 2010
The activity of the Federation of Expellees and its chairperson Erika Steinbach, including efforts aimed at establishing the Centre Against Expulsions have been and will continue to be a source of controversy in Germany’s domestic policy, as well as in Polish–German and Czech–German relations. Steinbach has become a central figure in German inter-party conflicts and in disputes with the country’s immediate neighbours. In her efforts to gain more publicity for injustice and suffering in the German past she has resorted to controversial methods and has thus latched onto another stage in the historical debate on the consequences of World War II. This time it is related to and interpreted from the point of view of the German victims.
The consequences of the present debate on how Germany suffered during the war do matter and will continue to matter both for Germany itself and for Germany’s relations with its near neighbours. Contrary to popular belief, the debate, still underway and in the shape imposed by Erika Steinbach, is likely to bring some benefit to Poland
Germany on Russia. Yes to links, no to rapprochement. OSW Point of View Number 39, March 2014
The German media have been correctly describing the atmosphere between the Chancellor's Office and the Kremlin as the chilliest in years. Various factors have laid bare the fact that the strategic partnership between Germany and Russia is at best currently undergoing a 'technical pause’: the underwhelming outcomes of the German-Russian intergovernmental consultations in the autumn of 2012 and of Chancellor Merkel's meeting with President Putin during the Hanover fair in the spring of 2013, as well as the way in which the EU dealt with the Cyprus debt issue and, finally, the support that Germany has extended to the anti-presidential protests in Ukraine. Meanwhile, the priorities of Germany's foreign and economic policy have changed considerably, not only as a result of the eurozone crisis, but also, even more importantly, because the attention of German business and politics has been shifting to the so-called neue Gestaltungsmächte, or new regional powers. German politicians increasingly believe that Russia should not be offered new methods or mechanisms of co-operation. Firstly, because the existing ones have not been fully utilised, and secondly, because Germany at this stage seems to have no idea of what the long-term strategy of co-operation with Putin's Russia should be
- …