A new altar of the “triad” of Heliopolis (Baalbek) at the Museum of Adıyaman

Dans le cadre de l’étude des dieux d’Héliopolis (Jupiter, Vénus et Mercure), fondée sur une riche tradition, cet article offre un nouvel exemple d’Héliopolitana, un autel votif inédit du Musée d’Adıyaman en Commagène (Turquie du S-E). Ce petit autel est l’une des rares additions au corpus de Hajjar de 1977 et livre des données stylistiques et iconographiques nouvelles grâce à la représentation sur son quatrième coté d’une figure solaire méconnue.The study of the gods of Heliopolis (Jupiter, Venus and Mercury) boasts a distinguished pedigree, and it is an endeavour that continues to give. This article presents a new piece of the jigsaw, an unpublished votive altar in the Museum of Adıyaman in Kommagene (South-Eastern Turkey). Beside its antiquarian value as one of the few recent additions to Hajjar’s near-comprehensive corpus of 1977, this small altar is also of stylistic and iconographic interest thanks to a peculiar image on its fourth side depicting an unidentified solar divinity not attested in any other Heliopolitana.ان دراسه الالهه القديمه الهيليوبولوس- جيوبيتر وفينوس وماركيور يميز التقافه القديمه وهذه الدراسه توضح جزءا جديدا من أهميه هذه الالهه من خلال دراسه موجودات متحف أديمان في جنوب شرق تركيا بجانب الاهميه الاثريه لتلك الموجودات فان هذه الدراسه تعتبر ذات اهميه بالغه في الاونه الاخيره من حيث امكانيه مقارنتها لما تم دراسته سابقا منذ عام 1977, فالمذبح الصغير يجمع بين الدلاله الرمزيه و الاسلوب المتخصص من حيث ما يصوره في الجانب الرابع عن علم اللاهوت وهذا ما يميزه عن أي دراسات سابقه

Jupiter, Venus and Mercury of Heliopolis (Baalbek)

Beaucoup de conceptions sur les fameux dieux d’Héliopolis-Baalbek semblent bien établies aujourd’hui : ils formaient une « triade » ; Jupiter et/ou Mercure étaient vénérés comme dieux solaires ; Jupiter était l’équivalent de Hadad et sa statue une idole de grande antiquité ; Vénus n’était autre que la Déesse Syrienne/Atargatis et Mercure intégrait des aspects dionysiaques d’un dieu mourant et ressuscitant. Mais, à la suite d’une analyse des documents iconographiques de Jupiter, Vénus et Mercure, ces propositions sont remises en question en faveur d’interprétations plus plausibles.Many conceptions about the well-known gods of Heliopolis-Baalbek are so firmly established to be almost treated as received wisdom: that they formed a familial “triad”, that Jupiter and/or Mercury were worshipped as sun gods, that Jupiter was the equivalent of Hadad and his cult image based on an idol of great antiquity, that Venus was in fact Dea Syria/Atargatis and that Mercury incorporated Dionysiac aspects of a dying and reviving god. But, in light of a scrutiny of the visual evidence of Jupiter, Venus and Mercury, the present article contests these propositions in favour of more plausible interpretations of some key monuments.خلاصة – يبدو أن النظريات الكثيرة حول آلهة هيليوبوليس - بعلبك قد أجمعت على أنها تشكل ثالوث (ثلاث أرباب) : جوبيتر و/أو مركور كانوا مكرّمين على أنّهم آلهة الشمس. جوبيتر كان المعادل للإله حدد وتمثاله من الأصنام الكثيرة القدم. فينوس ما كانت إلّا الإلهة السورية أتارغاتيس ومركور يجمع مظاهر ديونيزية لإله يختبر الموت والقيامة. ولكن، على أثر تحليل وثائق تصويرية لجوبيتر، فينوس ومركور، يمكن إعادة النظر في هذه الإقتراحات لمصلحة شروحات أكثر إحتمالاً

Crowning the Emperor an unorthodox image of Claudius, Agrippa I and Herod of Chalkis

L’article porte sur des monnaies de deux rois hérodiens, Agrippa Ier (ad 37-44) et Hérode de Chalcis (ad 41-48), qui les montrent couronnant de lauriers l’empereur Claude. Le langage iconographique impériale offre une abondance de scènes de couronnement similaires, destinées à la glorification des victoires et des succès de l’empereur. Mais malgré les apparences, familières, la configuration employée ici sur ces monnaies est fort inusitée et originale, utilisant des motifs communs afin de construire une nouvelle image du pouvoir royal. Bien que l’intention de glorifier l’empereur soit transparente, l’originalité de cette composition permet aussi d’interpréter la scène d’une manière moins orthodoxe, en contradiction avec les principes de l’art romain impérial.This article looks at a narrative image on the coins of two Herodian kings, Agrippa I (ad 37-44) and Herod of Chalkis (ad 41-48). It shows the two kings crowning the emperor Claudius with wreaths. The crowning scene seems familiar, even banal, at first sight, a routine allegory to glorify the emperor’s victories and successes. But a closer look reveals that the constellation is in fact highly original, a creative adaptation of common motifs, re-channelled to concoct a new narrative of royal ideology. Whereas the intended message of glorification is fairly transparent, the unorthodox arrangement of figures in this image also has the potential for unintended interpretations that would, from a Roman angle, be considered off-message.المادة المحمولة على النقود من قبل الملكين الهيروديين، أغريبا الأول (37-44 م.), وهيرود كالكيس (41-48 م)، التي تظهر تيجان الغار للإمبراطور كلاوديوس. اللغة الإمبراطورية المرمزة, تقدم مادة أكثر وفراً من إحتفالية تتويج مشابهة. هدفها تمجيد انتصارات ونجاحات الإمبراطور. ولكن بالرغم من خلافه للمظاهر, العائلية، الشكل العام المستخدم هنا على هذه النقود، غير منفذ بقوة وأصالة, واستخدم موضوع الزخرفة بدافع مشترك لكي يعطي صورة جديدة للقوة الملكية. ومع أن الهدف واضح لعظمة الإمبراطور, إلا أن الأصالة لهذا التشكيل يسمح أيضاً بعرض شكل أقل صرامة, في مواجهةٍ مخالفةٍ لأساسيات الفن الإمبراطوري الروماني

The Palmyra Portrait Project

Introduction Situated between the two mighty empires of Rome and Parthia, halfway between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean Sea, Palmyra’s special role and character have long been recognised. Palmyra’s languages, society and religion, its art and architecture speak of a rich and varied heritage, a unique synthesis of East and West that continues to fascinate and inspire scholarly research . The art of Palmyra, however, has received remarkably little in-depth research, despite its appeal an..

Canagliflozin and renal outcomes in type 2 diabetes and nephropathy

BACKGROUND Type 2 diabetes mellitus is the leading cause of kidney failure worldwide, but few effective long-term treatments are available. In cardiovascular trials of inhibitors of sodium–glucose cotransporter 2 (SGLT2), exploratory results have suggested that such drugs may improve renal outcomes in patients with type 2 diabetes. METHODS In this double-blind, randomized trial, we assigned patients with type 2 diabetes and albuminuric chronic kidney disease to receive canagliflozin, an oral SGLT2 inhibitor, at a dose of 100 mg daily or placebo. All the patients had an estimated glomerular filtration rate (GFR) of 30 to <90 ml per minute per 1.73 m2 of body-surface area and albuminuria (ratio of albumin [mg] to creatinine [g], >300 to 5000) and were treated with renin–angiotensin system blockade. The primary outcome was a composite of end-stage kidney disease (dialysis, transplantation, or a sustained estimated GFR of <15 ml per minute per 1.73 m2), a doubling of the serum creatinine level, or death from renal or cardiovascular causes. Prespecified secondary outcomes were tested hierarchically. RESULTS The trial was stopped early after a planned interim analysis on the recommendation of the data and safety monitoring committee. At that time, 4401 patients had undergone randomization, with a median follow-up of 2.62 years. The relative risk of the primary outcome was 30% lower in the canagliflozin group than in the placebo group, with event rates of 43.2 and 61.2 per 1000 patient-years, respectively (hazard ratio, 0.70; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.59 to 0.82; P=0.00001). The relative risk of the renal-specific composite of end-stage kidney disease, a doubling of the creatinine level, or death from renal causes was lower by 34% (hazard ratio, 0.66; 95% CI, 0.53 to 0.81; P<0.001), and the relative risk of end-stage kidney disease was lower by 32% (hazard ratio, 0.68; 95% CI, 0.54 to 0.86; P=0.002). The canagliflozin group also had a lower risk of cardiovascular death, myocardial infarction, or stroke (hazard ratio, 0.80; 95% CI, 0.67 to 0.95; P=0.01) and hospitalization for heart failure (hazard ratio, 0.61; 95% CI, 0.47 to 0.80; P<0.001). There were no significant differences in rates of amputation or fracture. CONCLUSIONS In patients with type 2 diabetes and kidney disease, the risk of kidney failure and cardiovascular events was lower in the canagliflozin group than in the placebo group at a median follow-up of 2.62 years

Kings without Diadems – How the Laurel Wreath Became the Insignia of Nabataean Kings

One aspect of Nabataean royal iconography that has long puzzled observers is the change of insignia from Hellenistic royal diadem to laurel wreath. This swap, which is well-illustrated and precisely dated on Nabataean coins, may at first seem a detail of little consequence, but seen in its proper cultural context, it offers a rare glimpse of Nabataean concepts of kingship and of the symbolic value of royal insignia in the Roman empire. While some would interpret the adoption of the laurel wreath, the emblem of a Roman imperator, as a nod towards Rome, an attempt by, say, Aretas IV to flatter and appease Augustus, the switch of insignia must be studied from the other end. What it evokes is another, more significant question that has not been considered so far: Why did Aretas abandon the diadem? How could the chief emblem of royalty worn by virtually every monarch at the Roman frontier, lose its appeal and validity for Aretas? By considering the significance of royal insignia in their proper cultural context, I argue that Aretas’ extraordinary renunciation of the conventional insignia of power was a well-calculated repudiation of the contemporary symbolism to express loyalty and obedience. Beside Nabataean conceptions of kingship, the swap of insignia can therefore also elucidate an aspect of Roman imperialism hitherto neglected, namely the symbolic and ritual language employed by Roman imperial authority in its dealings with foreign subordinate rulers

A Roman altar on Mount Gerizim: Rediscovering a civic icon on tetradrachms of Neapolis (Samaria)

This article examines the iconography of a type of Caracalla tetradrachm that has been newly attributed to Neapolis in Roman Palestine and whose reverse depicts a monumental altar decorated with statues of Tyche, Ephesian Artemis, and Kore Persephone. The study contextualizes these deities in the religious life of Neapolis and identifies the monument as an altar often depicted as a miniscule element in panoramic views of Mount Gerizim on the bronze coins of Neapolis. The tetradrachms provide, for the first time, a close-up view of this long-lost civic monument