The evolution of the ISIS’ language:A quantitative analysis of the language of the first year of Dabiq magazine

In this article we investigate the evolution of ISIS by analysing the text contained in Dabiq, the official ISIS’ internet magazine in English. Specifically, we used a computerized text analysis program LIWC (Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count) to investigate the evolution of the language of the first 11 Issues of Dabiq. First, our analysis showed that affiliation seems to be an increasingly important psychological motive for the group. Secondly, ISIS has been increasingly using emotions, which are an important mobilizing factor in collective action literature, in a strategic manner. Thirdly, ISIS language presents an increasing concern with females. Last but not least, our analysis shows that ISIS has been increasingly using internet jargon (net-speak), which shows how the group tries to adapt itself to the internet environment and to connect with the identities of young individuals

From cooperation to conflict:The role of collective narratives in shaping group behaviour

In this paper, we review the concept of collective narratives and their role in shaping group behaviour. We see collective narratives as ‘meta-stories’ embraced by groups that incorporate values and beliefs about social reality, therefore providing a blueprint for group norms which, in turn, inform group members’ behaviour. Our aim is to both describe the psychological processes underpinning the relation between collective narratives and group behaviours and develop an integrative typology of the functions of collective narratives (as they connect to various collective behaviours). We start by discussing definitions in the recent literature and propose an integrative conceptualisation which positions collective narratives in the context of collective action research. Next, we focus on the process by which collective narratives provide the bases for identity formation, development, and change, thus shaping group behaviour. We see collective narratives as central in understanding group behaviour, as they function as ‘meta-stories’ that incorporate moral codes and values, and beliefs about the ingroups and outgroups - providing a blueprint for group norms which, in turn, inform group members’ behaviour. In the second part of the article, we describe a typology of collective narratives according to their functions, structured around two core dimensions: the context/s in which collective narratives develop and are shared (i.e., intragroup versus intergroup) and their effects within these contexts (i.e., driving consensus versus driving dissent). We identify four distinctive types of collective narrative functions and review research showing how each of them shapes specific social identity content, including behaviour prescribing norms. We then show how these specific norms shape behaviours ranging from cooperation and pro-social action to hostile intergroup conflict. The implications of this contribution are twofold. First, by providing a systematic account and categorisation of how collective narratives function in society and of their connections to social identities (and their content), we can more accurately deduct group norms and predict behaviours in specific circumstances, including in relation to political violence. Second, by better understanding the narratives that provide the bases of identity formation, development, and change, we can improve attempts to create alternative narratives that unify rather than divide people, so that pathways to co-operation might be chosen over conflict

Predicting political involvement : the role of social identity and commitment to opinion-based groups

This thesis examines the main predictors of political involvement from a social identity perspective, thus the main questions addressed is when people decide to take collective action in relation to shared ideas. It is argued that group selfdefinition should predict intentions to undertake political behaviours. Surprisingly the existing literature does not unequivocally show that the strength of subjective group membership is a good predictor of group behaviour in general, or political behavioural intentions in particular. The thesis proposes four key solutions to this problem. The first is that the relationship will tend to be strong when groups are in conflict: intergroup conflict seems to help organize behaviour into oppositional forms. Secondly, the group membership will be a stronger predictor when the groups are normatively relevant to the predicted behaviour. As social identity theorists have long argued, group behaviour is only predicted by group membership when that behaviour is consistent with a relevant norm for the group. Thirdly, the relationship will tend to be strong when relevant groups are chosen, and the focus here is on opinion-based groups: groups defined on the basis of a shared opinion. Fourthly, the relationship will tend to be strong when the degree or strength of self-categorization is measured appropriately. Here the argument is that measures of certainty of self-definition as a group member capture these constructs best for opinion-based groups. To sum up, self-definition as an opinion-based group member should strongly predict political involvement in conditions of intergroup conflict and when the behaviours involved are highly consistent with the norms of the specific salient group membership. In addition to the main prediction that group self-defmition should increase political group behaviour it was also expected that, in line with self-categorization theory, measures which better captured salience of opinion-based group membership should be stronger and more direct predictors of behavioural intentions than standard social identification measures. Consequently self-definition as an opinion-based group member was assessed using standard identification scales but also some new items which were aimed to capture salience of opinion-based group membership. In particular, it was argued that certainty of self-definition as a group member holding a certain opinion would be the best indicator of salience, but only especially so in opinion-based groups. These ideas were explored in a series of six studies (two surveys and four experiments). The results of the first two experiments using minimal opinion-based groups show that intergroup conflict had some impact on the main variables involved, and suggested the direction for the next studies in which the link between opinionbased group self-definition and political behavioural intentions was directly investigated. Results from Studies 3, 4, and 5 strongly supported the hypothesis that the salience measure employed predicted political behavioural intentions over and above identification. However, Study 5 provided no evidence that conflict enhanced the expected relationship. Finally, the results of Study 6 suggest that the salience measure is highly sensitive to the normative context and is a good predictor of political behavioural intentions but only especially so for the highly normative and validated behaviours. The conclusion reached is that certainty of self-definition as an opinion-based group member is an excellent predictor of normatively relevant political behavioural intentions. The success of this measure stems for the fact that it captures the selfcategorization theory construct of salience more accurately than do standard measures of social identification and this is almost surely because these measures capture the (relatively) enduring aspects of salience that are associated with perceiver readiness. In summary, self-definition as a group member is indeed a good predictor of validated normative political behavioural intentions in opinion-based groups, even where there is not explicit intergroup conflict

Antecedents of Vaccine Hesitancy in WEIRD and East Asian Contexts

Following decreasing vaccination rates over the last two decades, understanding the roots of vaccine hesitancy has become a public health priority. Vaccine hesitancy is linked to scientifically unfounded fears around the MMR vaccine and autism which are often fuelled by misinformation spread on social media. To counteract the effects of misinformation about vaccines and in particular the falling vaccination rates, much research has focused on identifying the antecedents of vaccine hesitancy. As antecedents of vaccine hesitancy are contextually dependent, a one-size-fits-all approach is unlikely to be successful in non-WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialised, Rich, and Democratic) populations, and even in certain (non-typical) WEIRD sub-populations. Successful interventions to reduce vaccine hesitancy must be based on understanding of the specific context. To identify potential contextual differences in the antecedents of vaccine hesitancy, we review research from three non-WEIRD populations in East Asia, and three WEIRD sub-populations. We find that regardless of the context, mistrust seems to be the key factor leading to vaccine hesitancy. However, the object of mistrust varies across WEIRD and non-WEIRD populations, and across WEIRD subgroups suggesting that effective science communication must be mindful of these differences

Integrating computerized linguistic and social network analyses to capture addiction recovery capital in an online community

The article describes a new methodology designed with the aim of finding a comprehensive, unobtrusive, and accurate way of capturing social recovery capital development in online communities of recovery from alcohol and drug (AOD) addiction. Recovery capital was conceptualised as both engagement in the online recovery community and identification with the community. To measure recovery capital development, naturally occurring data were extracted from the social media page of a specific recovery program, with the page being set up as a resource for a face-to-face recovery program. To map engagement with the online community, social network analysis (SNA) capturing online social interaction was performed. Social interaction was measured through the linkages between the online contributors/members of the online community as represented by program clients, staff, and supporters from the broader community. To capture markers of social identification with the online community, computerised linguistic analysis of the textual data (content from posts and comments) was conducted. Recovery capital captured in this way was analysed against retention data (a proxy outcome indicator), as days spent in the (face-to-face) recovery program. The online data extracted was linked to participant data in regards to program retention to test prediction of a key recovery outcome. This approach allowed the examination of the role of online support communities and assessment of the association between recovery capital (developed via the online community of recovery) and recovery outcomes

What the recovery movement tells us about prefigurative politics

The concept of prefigurative politics has re-emerged following recent worldwide uprisings, such as the Occupy movement, to which this concept has been applied. In applying a contemporary analysis to prefigurative politics, we explore the contribution of community-based recovery groups to the recovery movement, a socio-political movement in the fields of mental health and addiction treatment. We argue that collective action in recovery groups is derived from the formation of an opinion-based social identity and results in alternative approaches to unmet needs, creatively addressing these identified needs through the utilisation of personal, social and collective resources within an emerging recovery community. To illustrate our argument, we provide examples of community-based recovery groups and the approaches they use in addressing the identified needs of their recovery community. We conclude with an analysis of what community-based recovery groups and the wider recovery movement can contribute to a contemporary understanding of prefigurative politics

Evaluations of countering violent extremism programs:Linking success to content, approach, setting, and participants

Since the September 11 attacks, prevention and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) programs have rapidly increased worldwide, garnering significant interest among researchers. This paper is a systematic review focusing on the evaluations of primary, secondary and tertiary prevention programs from 2001 until 2020. The review identified 74 program evaluations that included satisfactory measures and metrics. Only 32% of the studies deemed the intervention successful, 55% described limited success, and 8% deemed the program had failed. Many of the programs evaluated failed to reach their objectives; some generated negative outcomes such as community disdain and an increase in the likelihood of alienation and stigma. Success was largely a self-assessed measure by the facilitators or stakeholders of the programs or the evaluators of the study. Success indicators can be operationalized as the degree of enhanced sense of belonging (connectedness to the community, social connection), trust and willingness to engage in programs, development of critical thinking skills (integrative complexity theory), and a strong sense of worth (quest for significance). Without a generally accepted set of metrics and no cohesive framework for conducting evaluations, this review offers an important addition to the field on the evidence suitable for program evaluations. An important aim of this systematic review was to identify what makes an effective and successful countering violent extremism program. The key findings indicate that enhancing belonging, identity, trust and community engagement, acknowledging perceptions of injustice, religious mentoring, and the promotion of critical thinking/self-reflection are associated with successful programs. The findings press upon policymakers, funders, and researchers the need to consider and support high-quality evaluations of programs.</p

Evaluations of countering violent extremism programs:Linking success to content, approach, setting, and participants

Since the September 11 attacks, prevention and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) programs have rapidly increased worldwide, garnering significant interest among researchers. This paper is a systematic review focusing on the evaluations of primary, secondary and tertiary prevention programs from 2001 until 2020. The review identified 74 program evaluations that included satisfactory measures and metrics. Only 32% of the studies deemed the intervention successful, 55% described limited success, and 8% deemed the program had failed. Many of the programs evaluated failed to reach their objectives; some generated negative outcomes such as community disdain and an increase in the likelihood of alienation and stigma. Success was largely a self-assessed measure by the facilitators or stakeholders of the programs or the evaluators of the study. Success indicators can be operationalized as the degree of enhanced sense of belonging (connectedness to the community, social connection), trust and willingness to engage in programs, development of critical thinking skills (integrative complexity theory), and a strong sense of worth (quest for significance). Without a generally accepted set of metrics and no cohesive framework for conducting evaluations, this review offers an important addition to the field on the evidence suitable for program evaluations. An important aim of this systematic review was to identify what makes an effective and successful countering violent extremism program. The key findings indicate that enhancing belonging, identity, trust and community engagement, acknowledging perceptions of injustice, religious mentoring, and the promotion of critical thinking/self-reflection are associated with successful programs. The findings press upon policymakers, funders, and researchers the need to consider and support high-quality evaluations of programs.</p

Diversity, dissent, and fragmentation in the #MeToo movement: the role of collective and individual dimensions

Introduction: In this research, we examine how intragroup fragmentation, which is the division of a group into smaller subgroups, interacts with different forms of action against gender inequality. We focused on two types of action: actions that promote social change and actions that encourage retribution.Methods: We investigated these processes within the #MeToo social movement using data collected in Australia (N = 363) and Romania (N = 135). In both samples, we measured antecedents of ’group consciousness’ (previous experience with discrimination, empathic concern, and perspective taking) and its indicators (social identification, perceived group efficacy beliefs, and group emotions such as anger and contempt). As indicators of intragroup fragmentation, we measured endorsement of different categories of group behaviors such as pro-social change action versus pro-retribution action. To assess the predictive power of motivations for joining the movement (antecedents of group consciousness) and of group consciousness for either pro-social or retributive actions, we tested several structural equation models (SEMs).Results: Our results indicate that the motivations for joining such social movements were more complex than anticipated, with perspective-taking emerging as a significant differentiator. Our analyses further show that different dimensions of group consciousness could predict support for either pro-social or retributive actions.Discussion: These findings highlight the complexity of the intragroup processes in newly emerging, modern social movements such as #MeToo. Our findings have implications for the study of membership dynamics in social movements and suggest that strategies to mobilise support should be tailored to these complexities. Overall, this research contributes to the current understanding of intragroup dynamics in contemporary social movements, thereby providing insights that could inform both grassroots mobilisation strategies and policy interventions aiming to increase gender equality