The Role of Subjective Expectations for Exhaustion and Recovery: The Sample Case of Work and Leisure

We propose a new model of exhaustion and recovery that posits that people evaluate an activity as exhausting or recovering on the basis of the subjective expectation about how exhausting or recovering activities related to a certain life domain are. To exemplify the model, we focus as a first step on the widely shared expectations that work is exhausting and leisure is recovering. We assume that the association of an activity related to a life domain associated with exhaustion (e.g., work) leads people to monitor their experiences and selectively attend to signs of exhaustion; in contrast, while pursuing an activity related to a life domain associated with recovery (e.g., leisure), people preferentially process signs of recovery. We further posit that the preferential processing of signs of exhaustion (vs. recovery) leads to experiencing more exhaustion when pursuing activities expected to be exhausting (e.g., work activities) and more recovery when pursuing activities expected to be recovering (e.g., leisure activities). This motivational process model of exhaustion and recovery provides new testable hypotheses that differ from predictions derived from limited-resource models

Adult age differences in monetary decisions with real and hypothetical reward

Age differences in monetary decisions may emerge because younger and older adults perceive the value of outcomes differently. Yet, age‐differential effects of monetary rewards on decisions are not well understood. Most laboratory studies on aging and decision making have used scenarios in which rewards were merely hypothetical (decisions did not have any real consequences) or in which only small amounts of money were at stake. In the current study, we compared younger adults' (20–29 years) and older adults' (61–82 years) decisions in probabilistic choice problems with real or hypothetical rewards. Decision‐contingent rewards were in a typical range of previous studies (gains of up to ~4.25 USD) or substantially scaled up (gains of up to ~85 USD per participant). Reward type (real vs. hypothetical) affected decision quality, including value maximization, switching between options, and dominance violations (choices of an option that was inferior to another option in all respects). Decision quality was markedly better with real than hypothetical rewards in older adults and correlated with numeracy in both age groups. However, we found no evidence that reward type affected people's risk preferences. Overall, the findings portray a fairly positive picture regarding the use of hypothetical scenarios to assess preferences: With carefully prepared instructions, people from different age groups indicate preferences in hypothetical scenarios that match their decisions with real and much higher rewards. One advantage of using real rewards is that they help to reduce decision noise

Competing goals draw attention to effort, which then enters cost-benefit computations as input

Different to Kurzban et al., we conceptualize the experience of mental effort as the subjective costs of goal pursuit (i.e., the amount of invested resources relative to the amount of available resources). Rather than being an output of computations that compare costs and benefits of the target and competing goals, effort enters these computations as an inpu

Better off without? Benefits and costs of resolving goal conflict through goal shelving and goal disengagement

Pursuing multiple goals with limited time often leads to goal conflicts that can be resolved by prioritizing some goal pursuits over others. This research examines proximal outcomes of two approaches to goal prioritization: Goal shelving (temporarily withdrawing from a goal) and goal disengagement (permanently withdrawing from a goal). We conducted an experiment (N = 214) to compare motivational and emotional consequences of resolving goal conflict through goal shelving and disengagement. Results suggest that goal shelving and disengagement are similarly effective at reducing different facets of experienced goal conflict, but people regret shelving goals less than disengaging from them. Together, these findings provide first evidence that goal shelving may allow people to “have their cake and eat it too:” to reap the benefits of goal prioritization while minimizing its costs

For Whom Is the Path the Goal? A Lifespan Perspective on the Development of Goal Focus

Goals are an intensely studied concept in various research areas within psychology. They can be defined as cognitive representations of means-ends relations. The relative focus on the means or the ends (i.e., goal focus) can vary between persons and over time. Taking a lifespan perspective, we use the existing developmental, social-cognitive, and motivational literature to portray how goal focus might develop across the entire lifespan. For this purpose, we take findings on the perception of goal-directed behavior in infancy, the development of (self-)representations and goal pursuit in adolescence, and of goals across adulthood into account. We propose that goal focus changes across the lifespan due to age-related cognitive and motivational development, and that the relative impact of cognitive and motivational processes on goal focus varies across the lifespan. We conclude by integrating different approaches and findings from a lifespan perspective

Predicting the use of a COVID-19 contact tracing application: A study across two points of measurements

Contact tracing mobile applications (apps) were important in combating the COVID-19 pandemic. Most previous studies predicting contact tracing app use were cross-sectional and not theory-based. This study aimed at contributing to a better understanding of app use intentions and app use by applying an extended version of the protection motivation theory across two measurement points while accounting for the development of the pandemic. A total of N = 1525 participants from Switzerland (Mage = 53.70, SD = 18.73; 47% female; n = 270 completed both assessments) reported on risk perceptions, response efficacy, self-efficacy, social norms, trust in government, trust in the healthcare system, active search of COVID-19-related information, intentions for and actual (self-reported) app use. Analyses included country-specific incidences and death toll. Increases in response-efficacy, self-efficacy, trust in government, and the active search of COVID-19-related information predicted increased app-use intentions. Increases in self-efficacy, intentions, and the active search of COVID-19-related information predicted increased self-reported app use. Risk perceptions, incidence, and death toll were unrelated to both outcomes. Across an aggravation of the pandemic situation, intentions for and app use were primarily related to response-efficacy, self-efficacy, trust in government, and the active search of COVID-19-related information

The Backup Planning Scale (BUPS): A Brief, Self-Reported Measure of a Person's Tendency to Develop, Reserve, and Use Backup Plans

To mitigate uncertainty in their goal pursuits, people use backup plans, i.e., alternative means that are developed to potentially replace "Plan A." Several studies have demonstrated that backup plans can introduce unexpected costs into goal pursuits that decrease a person's motivation to continue using their "Plan A," and reduce their chances for achieving their goal. These existing studies used time-intensive experimental and/or observational approaches to assess the effects of backup planning. The present research examines the newly-developed Backup Planning Scale (BUPS) for its measurement invariance, reliability, validity, and other psychometric characteristics across three independent samples with more than 1,500 participants. Consistent with prior theorizing, we found support for a nine-item, three factor structure for the BUPS, indexing latent factors for a person's tendency to develop, reserve, and replace with (or use) backup plans. Furthermore, a novel "IRTree" based statistical technique provided evidence for the validity of the measure, as participants' responses to the BUPS were associated with their actual developing, reserving, and replacing backup planning behaviors in a logic task. We conclude that the freely-available BUPS is a simple, brief, reliable, and valid self-reported instrument for assessing backup planning behaviors across adulthood

Age and information preference: Neutral information sources in decision contexts

Do adults of different ages differ in their focus on positive, negative, or neutral information when making decisions? Some research suggests an increasing preference for attending to and remembering positive over negative information with advancing age (i.e., an age-related positivity effect). However, these prior studies have largely neglected the potential role of neutral information. The current set of three studies used a multimethod approach, including self-reports (Study 1), eye tracking and choice among faces reflecting negative, neutral, or positive health-related (Study 2) and leisure-related information (Study 3). Gaze results from Studies 2 and 3 as well as self-reports from Study 1 showed a stronger preference for sources of neutral than for positive or negative information regardless of age. Findings also suggest a general preference for decision-relevant information from neutral compared to positive or negative sources. Focusing exclusively on the difference between positive (happy) and negative (angry) faces, results are in line with the age-related positivity effect (i.e., the difference in gaze duration between happy and angry faces was significantly larger for older than for younger adults). These findings underscore the importance of neutral information across age groups. Thus, most research on the positivity effect may be biased in that it does not consider the strong preference for neutral over positive information

Chasing the “How” and “Why” of goal pursuit: A multimethod approach to the study of goal focus

Goals are cognitive representations of means-ends relations that reflect what a person wants to approach or avoid. Previous research has demonstrated that the relative salience of the means and ends (i.e., goal focus) differs across adulthood. Due to inconsistent findings in recent studies, this study systematically investigated the convergence of goal focus across different dimensions (i.e., goal content, complexity, type, i.e., hypothetical vs. personal goals, and method of assessment) and its relation to age. To this end, we conducted a multimethod online study (N = 773) across an age range from 14 to 87 years. The results provide little support for the convergence of goal focus across different assessment methods and systematic associations with age. We discuss the implications of these findings for goal research