Nationalism as collective narcissism

Traditional conceptualisations of nationalism focus on the need for intergroup domination. We argue that current politics are rather driven by the need for recognition of the greatness of one’s nation. In psychological literature, the need for the nation’s appreciation is captured by the concept of collective narcissism—a belief in in-group greatness contingent on external recognition. We demonstrate that collective narcissism is associated with support for national populist parties and policies. We also review the empirical evidence for the intergroup and intragroup concomitants of collective narcissism. We demonstrate that collective narcissism benefits neither out-group nor in-group members. Instead, it helps manage psychological needs of the individual. We conclude that collective narcissism might undermine social cohesion both within and between groups

Brexit and Polexit: Collective narcissism is associated with the support for leaving the European Union

In three studies we examine the link between types of national identity and support for leaving the European Union (EU). We found that national collective narcissism (but not national identification without the narcissistic component) was positively associated with a willingness to vote Leave, over and above the effect of political orientation. This pattern was observed in a representative Polish sample (Study 1, n = 635), as well as in samples of Polish youth (Study 2, n = 219), and both Polish (n = 73) and British (n = 60) professionals employed in the field of international relations (Study 3). In Studies 2 and 3 this effect was mediated by biased EU membership perceptions. The role of defensive versus secure forms of in-group identification in shaping support for EU membership is discussed

When less is more: defensive national identity predicts sacrifice of ingroup profit to maximize the difference between groups

We propose that defensive forms of identity (i.e., nationalism and national narcissism) can harm the nation through a tendency to maximize the difference between own and other groups in resource allocation. We test this hypothesis by adopting a classic social psychological paradigm, the Tajfel’s matrices, to real-life scenarios designed in the COVID-19 context. We captured maximizing the difference as a preference for one’s nation being allocated more medical resources relative to other countries, but at the expense of absolute ingroup profit. In Studies 1 and 2, defensiveness in national identity predicted this counterproductive strategy that ultimately benefits neither ingroup nor outgroup. In experimental Study 3, inducing ingroup disadvantage led to a greater tendency to maximize the difference. The results provide evidence that defensive national identity might be liked to support for policies that offer a positive intergroup comparison, but simultaneously harm one’s own ingroup

Cutting the forest down to save your face: Narcissistic national identification predicts support for anti-conservation policies

Past work showed that strong national identification is negatively related to environmental protection. In this paper we aim to demonstrate that only some forms of national identity oppose environmental concerns. In three studies, we examined the association between support for anti-conservation policies and narcissistic versus conventional national in-group identification. Collective narcissism is a belief in in-group greatness associated with the need for external validation. We found that national collective narcissism (but not national identification without the narcissistic component) was positively associated with support for government subsidy for the coal industry (Study 1, n?=?102), and logging the Bialowieza Forest (Study 2, n?=?189 and Study 3, n?=?635, nationally representative sample). In Studies 2 and 3 these effects were mediated by an increased need to make decisions independently of external influences. The role of defensive forms of in-group identification in support for environmental harm is discussed

Missing a beam in thine own eye: motivated perceptions of collective narcissism

This work examines lay beliefs about the societal implications of different forms of ingroup identities. While secure ingroup identity reflects a genuine attachment to one’s ingroup members, defensive forms of identity are aimed at satisfying individual enhancement motives through highlighting belongingness to an exceptional group. The latter can be exemplified by collective narcissism, a belief in ingroup greatness and entitlement to privileged treatment, which has been linked to undesirable intra- and intergroup outcomes. In three experiments (total N = 473), conducted in the context of national identities, we investigated how people perceive the manifestations of collective narcissism, contrasted with secure ingroup identity, and low identity. Across all studies, participants expected the highest outgroup hostility and poorest intragroup relations from those high in collective narcissism. However, perceivers who were themselves high in collective narcissism were less likely to expect these undesirable manifestations, thus revealing a biased perception of similar others

Research on gender bias receives less attention than research on other types of bias

Bias against women in academia is well-documented. Not only are female scientists underrepresented in academic institutions, particularly in higher ranks, but there are also certain studies that include only male participants, thereby producing biased knowledge. Magdalena Formanowicz, Aleksandra Cislak and Tamar Saguy have studied another form of gender bias among scientists: bias against research on gender bias. Research on gender bias is found to be funded less often and more likely to be published in journals widely considered to be less prestigious

Power Corrupts, but Control Does Not: What Stands Behind the Effects of Holding High Positions

People seek high positions not to gain influence over others but to satisfy their need for personal control. Personal control tends to have positive interpersonal consequences. If this is the case, does power indeed corrupt? We argue that holding a high position is associated both with perceptions of power (influence over others) and personal control (influence over one’s life). Three studies showed that these two aspects might have opposite consequences: Power over others positively predicted aggressiveness (Study 1, N = 793) and exploitativeness (Study 2, N = 445), whereas personal control predicted these outcomes negatively. In Study 3 (N = 557), conducted among employees at various organizational positions, the effects of holding a high position on exploitativeness and aggressiveness were differentially mediated by power over others and personal control. We discuss these findings in light of contradicting evidence on the corruptive effects of power

Party people: differentiating the associations of partisan identification and partisan narcissism with political skill, integrity, and party dedication

AbstractWe investigated outcomes associated with different types of partisan identity in a sample of political candidates for parliament and local offices (N = 214). We distinguished partisan narcissism, a belief in the greatness of one's political party that is not appreciated by others, from partisan identification, feeling part of the party and evaluating it positively. We examined their links with self‐reported measures of politicians' functioning in their work: political skill, integrity, and party dedication. Partisan narcissism was associated with lower integrity in one's political role, meaning those high in partisan narcissism reported more inclination to engage in secrecy, deception, and political blood‐sport (behavior also known as politicking). Partisan narcissism did not predict party dedication: it was not associated with intentions to leave the party and volunteering in party activities, and in fact, it was linked to past membership in other political parties. Meanwhile, we found that partisan identification was associated with higher levels of political skill, while also predicting party dedication in that it predicted lower intentions to leave the party and volunteering in party activities but was unrelated to membership in other parties in the past. Cumulatively, these results suggest that partisan identification is associated with competence and dedication in politicians' work. Conversely, partisan narcissism seems to contribute to being cunning in the political arena and relates to more devious work habits that many find stereotypical of politicians

Can ingroup love harm the ingroup? Collective narcissism and objectification of ingroup members

We examined how collective narcissism (a belief in ingroup greatness that is underappreciated by others) versus ingroup identification predict treatment of ingroup members. Ingroup identification should be associated with favorable treatment of ingroup members. Collective narcissism, however, is more likely to predict using ingroup members for personal gain. In organizations, collective narcissism predicted promoting one’s own (vs. group) goals (Pre-study, N=179) and treating co-workers instrumentally (Study 1, N=181; and longitudinal Study 2, N=557). In Study 3 (N=214, partisan context), the link between collective narcissism and instrumental treatment of ingroup members was mediated by selfserving motives. In the experimental Study 4 (N=579, workplace teams), the effect of collective narcissism on instrumental treatment was stronger when the target was an ingroup (vs. outgroup) member. Across all studies, ingroup identification was negatively, or nonsignificantly, associated with instrumental treatment. Results suggest that not all forms of ingroup identity might be beneficial for ingroup members