Self-Control in Cyberspace: Applying Dual Systems Theory to a Review of Digital Self-Control Tools

Many people struggle to control their use of digital devices. However, our understanding of the design mechanisms that support user self-control remains limited. In this paper, we make two contributions to HCI research in this space: first, we analyse 367 apps and browser extensions from the Google Play, Chrome Web, and Apple App stores to identify common core design features and intervention strategies afforded by current tools for digital self-control. Second, we adapt and apply an integrative dual systems model of self-regulation as a framework for organising and evaluating the design features found. Our analysis aims to help the design of better tools in two ways: (i) by identifying how, through a well-established model of self-regulation, current tools overlap and differ in how they support self-control; and (ii) by using the model to reveal underexplored cognitive mechanisms that could aid the design of new tools.Comment: 11.5 pages (excl. references), 6 figures, 1 tabl

HIV-1 superinfection results in broad polyclonal neutralizing antibodies

<div><p>HIV-1 vaccines designed to date have failed to elicit neutralizing antibodies (Nabs) that are capable of protecting against globally diverse HIV-1 subtypes. One relevant setting to study the development of a strong, cross-reactive Nab response is HIV-1 superinfection (SI), defined as sequential infections from different source partners. SI has previously been shown to lead to a broader and more potent Nab response when compared to single infection, but it is unclear whether SI also impacts epitope specificity and if the epitopes targeted after SI differ from those targeted after single infection. Here the post-SI Nab responses were examined from 21 Kenyan women collectively exposed to subtypes A, C, and D and superinfected after a median time of ~1.07 years following initial infection. Plasma samples chosen for analysis were collected at a median time point ~2.72 years post-SI. Because previous studies of singly infected populations with broad and potent Nab responses have shown that the majority of their neutralizing activity can be mapped to 4 main epitopes on the HIV-1 Envelope, we focused on these targets, which include the CD4-binding site, a V1/V2 glycan, the N332 supersite in V3, and the membrane proximal external region of gp41. Using standard epitope mapping techniques that were applied to the previous cohorts, the present study demonstrates that SI did not induce a dominant Nab response to any one of these epitopes in the 21 women. Computational sera delineation analyses also suggested that 20 of the 21 superinfected women’s Nab responses could not be ascribed a single specificity with high confidence. These data are consistent with a model in which SI with diverse subtypes promotes the development of a broad polyclonal Nab response, and thus would provide support for vaccine designs using multivalent HIV immunogens to elicit a diverse repertoire of Nabs.</p></div

Legitimacy intermediation in the multilevel European polity and its collapse in the euro crisis

This essay re-examines the dual – republican and liberal – foundations of democratic legitimacy in the Western traditions of normative political theory. Considered in isolation, the European Union conforms to liberal standards but cannot satisfy republican criteria. Given these conflicting standards, debates on the alleged European democratic deficit have remained inconclusive. Moreover, they have failed to pay sufficient attention to the multilevel character of the European polity and to the normative potential of legitimacy intermediation in its two-step compliance and legitimating relationships. I argue, however, that the capacity of democratic member states to legitimate the exercise of European governing functions is being destroyed in the present euro crisis, and I briefly discuss the implications of this new constellation.In der westlichen Tradition der normativen politischen Theorie beruht demokratische Legitimität auf der doppelten Grundlage republikanischer und liberaler Prinzipien. Für sich betrachtet entspricht die Europäische Union zwar liberalen Kriterien, aber eben nicht den republikanischen Anforderungen. Angesichts so unterschiedlicher Kriterien konnte es auch im Streit über das angebliche europäische Demokratiedefizit keine Einigung geben. Überdies ignorierte diese Diskussion den Mehrebenen-Charakter der europäischen Politik und das normative Potenzial der Legitimationsvermittlung zwischen Union und Bürgern durch die demokratisch verfassten Mitgliedstaaten. Die gegenwärtige Eurokrise allerdings zerstört die Fähigkeit demokratischer Mitgliedstaaten, die Ausübung europäischer Herrschaftsfunktionen zu legitimieren. Der Aufsatz erörtert die Implikationen dieser neuen Konstellation.1 Introduction 2 Legitimacy discourses The republican discourse The liberal discourse Differences 3 Constitutional democracies – and the European Union? 4 Legitimacy intermediation in the multilevel European polity 5 The end of legitimacy intermediation in the euro crisis Monetary Union and the failure of output legitimacy Rescuing the euro through supranational intervention 6 Legitimate supranational government? Input-oriented European legitimacy? 7 Reducing the burden on European legitimacy Reference