Pre-Low Raising in Japanese Pitch Accent

Japanese has been observed to have 2 versions of the H tone, the higher of which is associated with an accented mora. However, the distinction of these 2 versions only surfaces in context but not in isolation, leading to a long-standing debate over whether there is 1 H tone or 2. This article reports evidence that the higher version may result from a pre-low raising mechanism rather than being inherently higher. The evidence is based on an analysis of F0 of words that varied in length, accent condition and syllable structure, produced by native speakers of Japanese at 2 speech rates. The data indicate a clear separation between effects that are due to mora-level preplanning and those that are mechanical. These results are discussed in terms of mechanisms of laryngeal control during tone production, and highlight the importance of articulation as a link between phonology and surface acoustics.postprin

Explaining the PENTA model: a reply to Arvaniti and Ladd

This paper presents an overview of the Parallel Encoding and Target Approximation (PENTA) model of speech prosody, in response to an extensive critique by Arvaniti & Ladd (2009). PENTA is a framework for conceptually and computationally linking communicative meanings to fine-grained prosodic details, based on an articulatory-functional view of speech. Target Approximation simulates the articulatory realisation of underlying pitch targets – the prosodic primitives in the framework. Parallel Encoding provides an operational scheme that enables simultaneous encoding of multiple communicative functions. We also outline how PENTA can be computationally tested with a set of software tools. With the help of one of the tools, we offer a PENTA-based hypothetical account of the Greek intonational patterns reported by Arvaniti & Ladd, showing how it is possible to predict the prosodic shapes of an utterance based on the lexical and postlexical meanings it conveys

Crosslinguistic trends in tone change A review of tone change studies in East and Southeast Asia

Ground-breaking studies on how Bangkok Thai tones have changed over the past 100 years (Pittayaporn 2007, 2018; Zhu et al. 2015) reveal a pattern that Zhu et al. (2015) term the “clockwise tone shift cycle:” low > falling > high level or rising-falling > rising > falling-rising or low. The present study addresses three follow-up questions: (1) Are tone changes like those seen in Bangkok Thai also attested in other languages? (2) What other tone changes are repeated across multiple languages? (3) What phonetic biases are most likely to be the origins of the reported changes? A typological review of 52 tone change studies across 45 Sinitic, Tai-Kadai, Hmong-Mien, and Tibeto-Burman languages reveals that clockwise changes are by far the most common. The paper concludes by exploring how tonal truncation (Xu 2017) generates synchronic variation that matches the diachronic patterns; this suggests that truncation is a key mechanism in tone change

The phonetics and phonology of tone mapping in a constraint-based approach

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2003.Includes bibliographical references (p. 283-295).This dissertation concerns both phonetic and phonological aspects of tone mapping in various Chinese languages. The central issue addressed is the role of contrast and positional prominence and neutralization in the realization of tone. The inventory of tonal contrasts constrains the outputs of contextual neutralization as well as the location of pitch targets in phonetic implementation. Two prominent phonological positions in the tone sandhi domain are distinguished: peripheral (initial and final) positions and metrically strong positions. Input tones occupying different prominent positions in the input are preserved in the output; their realization in the output can be determined by the location of stress. A typology of diverse patterns of tone preservation and realization emerge from the interaction of positional faithfulness and positional markedness constraints. The research findings reported here have implications for both phonetics and phonoloy.by Zhiqiang Li.Ph.D

The dynamics of Japanese prosody

This dissertation explores aspects of Tokyo Japanese (Japanese henceforth) prosody through acoustic analysis and analysis-by-synthesis. It 1) revisits existing issues in Japanese prosody with the minimal use of abstract notions and 2) tests if the Parallel Encoding and Target Approximation (Xu, 2005) framework is suitable for Japanese, a pitch accent language. The first part of the dissertation considers the nature of lexical pitch accent through examining factors that affect the surface F0 realisation of an accent peak (Chapter 2) and establishing the articulatory domain that hosts a tonal target in Japanese (Chapter 3). Next, pitch accent interactions with other communicative functions are considered, specifically in terms of focus (Chapter 4) and sentence type (Chapter 5). Hypotheses using acoustic analyses from the previous Chapters are then verified through analysis-by-synthesis with articulatory synthesisers AMtrainer, PENTAtrainer1, and PENTAtrainer2 (Chapter 6). Chapter 2 provides conclusive evidence of Japanese as a two-tone language as opposed to bearing three underlying tones in its phonology, previously unresolved in existing literature. Proponents of the two-tone hypothesis gather evidence from perception: when stimuli are played in isolation, native listeners can only distinguish two tone levels (High and Low). On the other hand, production evidence reveals robustly three distinct surface F0 levels. Using a series of linear regression analyses, I show the third tone level could be interpreted as a result of pre-low raising, a common articulatory phenomenon. The F0 of an accent peak is inversely correlated with the F0 of the following low target, being an enhanced peak in preparation for the upcoming L. Interpreted together with native listeners’ inability to hear three tones when said in isolation, as repeatedly reported in previous studies, I establish Japanese has only H and L in its tonal inventory. Chapter 3 establishes the syllable as the tone-bearing unit in Japanese tonal articulation. Often described as a mora-timed language, it has been previously unclear whether articulatory tonal targets are hosted in a mora or a syllable in Japanese. When comparing accented words of various syllable structures I found that the F0 accent peak of CVCV wordsoccurs consistently earlier than that of CVn/CVCV words. CVCV words are longer in total duration so its earlier F0 peak is a result of a shorter tone-bearing unit (i.e. two consecutive short morae/syllables). CVn/CVV words on the other hand have a later peak F0 due to hosting an articulatory target as a long syllable, rather than two short morae. I further verified the syllable hypothesis using two articulatory synthesisers, PENTAtrainer1 and PENTAtrainer2. The syllable as a tone-bearing unit incurs fewer predictors but provides better learning accuracy. Chapter 4 explores focus prosody in declarative sentences. Using a newly collected corpus of 6251 sentences that controls for accent condition, focus condition, sentence type, and sentence length, I challenge the widely held idea that post-focus compression of F0 range is accent-independent. Currently it is generally accepted that regardless of the accent condition of the focused word, the excursion size of ‘initial rise’ that marks the beginning of the first word 4 after focus is shrunken. However, confining the notion of post-focus compression to initial-rise (usually extending across only two morae) sets Japanese apart from other languages like English or Mandarin, where such compression is robust across the entire post-focus domain. I show that when F0 range is measured across a wider domain, compression is absent. Where post-focus compression is absent, the F0 trajectory appears to be a result of articulatory carryover effects. This will be interpreted as a result of weak articulatory strength on the post focus domain, explaining the difference in F0 trajectories in long and short utterances. Chapter 5 builds on the previous Chapter to consider in addition the focus prosody in yes/no questions. I investigate what marks a yes/no question, and how focus prosody differs in declarative and interrogative utterances. Acoustic analyses show that questions are marked by a final rise, but the exact shape of such a rise depends on the accent condition of the sentence-final word. When compared to declarative sentences, the key differences in yes/no questions include: a higher F0 level; the absence of post-focus compression even in contexts otherwise observed in statements; and on-focus F0 raising as the only robust focus marker. These findings point to the fact that interrogative focus prosody is not an amalgamation of focus markers and question markers, and bear implication on the representation of Japanese intonation. Chapter 6 verifies observations established thus far through analysis-by-synthesis. I demonstrate comparative modeling as a means to adjudicate between competing theories using PENTAtrainer2, PENTAtrainer1 and AMtrainer. In terms of local fitting accuracy, AMtrainer yielded comparable synthesis accuracy to the PENTAtrainers. Finally, I further demonstrate the compatibility of PENTA with Japanese prosody showing highly accurate F0 predictive analysis (when trained with Chapter 2 production data), and highly satisfactory speaker-dependent synthesis accuracy (when trained with Chapter 4 and 5 sentential data). Naturalness judgment ratings show that the natural stimuli sound as natural as the synthetic stimuli, though questions generally sound less natural than statements. Reasons for this discrepancy are discussed with reference to the design of the stimuli

Pitch Accent in Korean

Typologically, pitch-accent languages stand between stress languages like Spanish and tone languages like Shona, and share properties of both. In a stress language typically just one syllable per word is accented and bears the major stress (cf. Spanish sábana ‘sheet’, sabána ‘plain’, Panamá). In a tone language the number of distinctions grows geometrically with the size of the word. So in Shona, which contrasts high vs. low tone, trisyllabic words have eight possible pitch patterns. In a canonical pitch-accent language such as Japanese, just one syllable (or mora) per word is singled out as distinctive, as in Spanish. But each syllable in the word is assigned a high or low tone (as in Shona); however, this assignment is predictable based on the location of the accented syllableKeywords: tonal accent, diachrony, phonetic realization, compounds, phonological phrases, loanwords, frequency, reconstructio

A weighted-constraint model of F0 movements/

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2010.This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.Includes bibliographical references (p. 155-159).This dissertation develops a grammar of phonetic implementation of phonologically significant F0 (pitch) events, which is applicable across languages. Through production studies of various languages, we show that phonetic universals exist which govern phonetic realization of the phonological representations of tones. In the previous literature, there have been two conflicting views concerning tonal timing: tones are aligned with respect to segments (the Segmental Anchoring Hypothesis) or tones occur at a fixed interval from other tones (the Constant Duration Hypothesis). In this dissertation, the two hypotheses are tested in languages with various tonal phonologies: Seoul Korean (phrasal boundary tone), Tokyo Japanese (lexical pitch accent), Mandarin (lexical tone), and English (intonational pitch accent). In all languages, both tendencies to maintain segmental alignment and a target duration for pitch rises are simultaneously observed. We thus adopt a weighted-constraint model (Flemming, 2001) where segmental alignment and target duration are interpreted as weighted constraints. In this model, timing of tones is determined to minimize the summed cost of violation of these conflicting constraints. Mixed-effects models were fitted to the data to obtain the actual weights in each language. Relative weights of the constraints reflect cross-linguistic differences in the alignment of tones. The relative weights of constraints in the phonetic realization grammar are not random but systematic, reflecting the phonological nature of tones in each language. The experimental studies in this dissertation show that tonal alignment patterns depend on phonological status and context of tones. Lexically-contrastive tones (Japanese accented words, Mandarin lexical tone) or prominence-lending tones (English pitch accents) are more strictly aligned with respect to their anchoring points than phrasal boundary tones (Seoul Korean, Japanese unaccented words), if other conditions are equal. Tones show different alignment patterns depending on phonological context: tones are more strictly aligned in word-final context than in word-medial context in Japanese accented words, and in lexical-tone context than in neutral-tone context in Mandarin. In addition, languages show different phonetic realization patterns depending on whether contour tones are contrastive in the language (Mandarin and English) or not (Korean and Japanese). These results point to the fact that details of phonetic realization of tones are determined by language-specific phonetic realization grammar, rather than by default universal rules.by Hyesun Cho.Ph.D

Phonological issues in the production of prosody by francophone and sinophone learners of english as a second language

Un accent de non-natif peut mener à une incompréhension ou à la perception de degrés différents d'accent d'étrangeté. La prosodie, qui est maintenant reconnue comme un élément important de l'impression d'étrangeté, est relativement peu abordée en recherche en acquisition des langues étrangères. Ceci contraste avec l'intérêt grandissant envers la prosodie en tant qu'élément de la langue maternelle. Dans cette thèse, la recherche phonologique est évaluée quant à sa pertinence dans la recherche sur la prosodie des langues étrangères. Deux aspects de la théorie phonologique sont étudiés: la typologie et l'organisation phonologique. Ce choix est justifié par la présomption générale que l'étrangeté prosodique est créée soit par une différence de typologie entre langue maternelle (L1) et langue étrangère (L2) soit par un transfert de traits prosodiques de la L1. La critique de la recherche en typologie phonologique conclut que, à ce stade, aucun modèle de classification prosodique n'est applicable à l'acquisition d'une L2. En particulier, l'étude démontre que certaines typologies, en particulier la théorie de l'isochronie accentuelle/l'isochronie syllabique de Pike, devraient être exclues parce qu'elles entravent les progrès en recherche sur l'acquisition et la production de la prosodie des langues étrangères. Le second aspect de la théorie phonologique étudié dans cette thèse est l'organisation phonologique. La prémisse est que les différences sous-jacentes à l'organisation prosodique plutôt que les différences phonologiques de surface sont transférées de L1 à L2. Les analyses approfondies de l'anglais nord américain, le français et le chinois standard révèlent d'importantes différences phonologiques entre l'anglais nord américain et les deux autres langues. Quatre expériences évaluent certaines de ces différences. La prosodie de l'anglais produite par des locuteurs natifs du français est analysée dans des phrases rythmiquement simples et des phrases rythmiquement plus complexes. Les résultats démontrent que l'accentuation lexicale est moins problématique que l'accentuation prosodique supra-lexicale. En particulier, il est démontré que les montées de fréquence fondamentale (F0) de début et de fin de syntagme accentuel (SA), typiques du français, sont source d'erreur dans la prosodie de l'anglais langue seconde. Il est cependant montré que cette erreur, bien que remarquée par les locuteurs natifs de l'anglais, n'affecte pas la perception de placement d'accentuation par ces derniers. La prosodie de l'anglais produite par des locuteurs natifs du chinois est analysée en termes de transfert de ton et d'alignement de pic de F0. Les résultats indiquent que les locuteurs du chinois utilisent les tons chinois quand ils produisent des tons accentuels de l'anglais; plus spécifiquement, la majorité des locuteurs utilisent le ton 2 (ton montant) quand ils produisent un ton accentuel montant. La dernière expérience révèle que les locuteurs natifs du chinois alignent le ton accentuel avec la syllabe accentuée à laquelle elle correspond de manière plus stricte que les locuteurs natifs de l'anglais nord américain le font. Les résultats de cette thèse génèrent un aperçu de la progression de la performance de la prosodie d'une langue étrangère. Les conclusions comportent des implications sur le contenu pédagogique et le format de l'enseignement de la prononciation. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Phonologie, Phonétique, Phonologie prosodique, Prosodie, Rythme, ESL, Français du Québec, Français de France, Chinois

Syllable, accent, rhythm: typological and methodological considerations for teaching Spanish as a foreign language

El ritmo es una propiedad del habla relacionada con la organizacióntemporal de los sonidos en términos de agrupamiento. Las unidades desegmentación son específicas de cada lengua y emergen de propiedades fonológicastales como la estructura silábica, la fonotáctica, y los contrastes prosódicos en losniveles léxico y postléxico.Las diferencias rítmicas entre las lenguas plantean problemas para laadquisición de segundas lenguas, debido a la compleja combinación de clavesacústicas, las dificultades perceptivas causadas por la sordera fonológica, y lasinterferencias con la organización de los contrastes segmentales y con el accesoal léxico.Este artículo ofrece una comparación tipológica que incluye descripcionesde las distintas clases de ritmo existentes (temporización silábica, acentual, ymoraica), así como de los distintos sistemas de contraste prosódico en el nivelléxico (lenguas tonales, de acento tonal, y de acento tipo «stress»). Este análisispermite predecir los errores típicos que afectan a los estudiantes de español dedistintas procedencias lingüísticas.Además, se describe la estructura silábica y el sistema acentual del español, yse sugieren algunas estrategias para practicarlos en clase