American Bar Association Special Committee on Election Reform, Symposium on the Vice-Presidency, Panel Discussion 4. Alternatives: Abolition, Succession, and Special Election

This transcript is part of the published proceedings of a symposium convened by the American Bar Association’s Special Committee on Election Reform, which the ABA formed in 1973 and was chaired by John D. Feerick. The symposium took place at Fordham Law School on December 3, 1976. It occurred in the wake of the Watergate era, which saw the resignation of one vice president, the appointment of two vice presidents pursuant to the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s Section 2, and a vice president’s succession to the presidency. The symposium’s purpose was to assemble experts on the vice-presidency to develop reform proposals related to the office. In this segment, the panelists discuss the idea of abolishing the office of the vice presidency, the vice president’s role as the first successor to the presidency, and the idea of holding a special election to fill a vacancy in the vice presidency as opposed to the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s vice presidential replacement provision, which lets the president nominate a replacement subject to congressional approval. The following panelists participated in the discussion: Birch Bayh, U.S. Senator from Indiana and sponsor of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment Joel Goldstein, Rhodes Scholar at Oxford Robert Griffin, U.S. Senator from Michigan Charles H. Kirbo, Adviser to President Jimmy Carter Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Professor at the City University of New York and author of “The Imperial Presidency” Donald Young, Senior Editor for American History and Political Science at Encyclopedia American

The National Security Presidency in Constitutional Context: Reflections on Terrorism and the Presidency from the Last Ten Years

In this time of terrorist threat, there is no more important institution to study than the national security presidency. That is because the president is singularly situated to command the instruments to counter terrorism. He is also singularly situated to ensure that such instruments are used effectively, lawfully, and in a manner consistent with constitutional values. I believe I have a duty, based on where I have been, to help others observe and understand the institution of the presidency. I do so because I want the national security presidency to succeed in providing for our physical security and in upholding our constitutional way of life; or, as the president’s constitutional oath states succinctly, “to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution.” Those who teach, interpret and study the presidency have an important duty to play in this process by testing the institution to ensure that these functions are successfully performed

New Hampshire Divided About Trump Presidency 2/10/17

New Hampshire residents are divided in their opinion of President Donald Trump during the early stages of his presidency, in stark contrast to the relatively high approval rating Barack Obama had at this time in his presidency. Granite Staters are also divided on President Trump\u27s immigration order

American Bar Association Special Committee on Election Reform, Symposium on the Vice-Presidency, Panel Discussion 1. Introduction and Summary of Reform Proposals

This transcript is part of the published proceedings of a symposium convened by the American Bar Association’s Special Committee on Election Reform, which the ABA formed in 1973 and was chaired by John D. Feerick. The symposium took place at Fordham Law School on December 3, 1976. It occurred in the wake of the Watergate era, which saw the resignation of one vice president, the appointment of two vice presidents pursuant to the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s Section 2, and a vice president’s succession to the presidency. The symposium’s purpose was to assemble experts on the vice-presidency to develop reform proposals related to the office. In this transcript, John D. Feerick introduces the symposium and Joel K. Goldstein, who was studying the vice presidency as part of a Rhodes Scholarship, outlines three categories of reform proposals related to the vice presidency. Those categories were based on the part of the system of government they addressed: (1) the nomination process; (2) the election process; and (3) the office itself

Commentary: Will the Courts Make Trump\u27s Presidency Less Imperial?

Nearly three months ago, Donald Trump assumed a presidency that, for more than a century, had grown seemingly endless discretionary powers. And he did so in company with Republican majorities in Congress and in 32 state legislatures -- all of which should have made his decisions unassailable. Instead, he has been stymied and embarrassed by resistance from a federal judiciary that has twice halted executive orders on the most prominent issue of his presidential campaign. So, will the federal judiciary become the wall against which Trump bleeds away the power not just of his own presidency but of the “imperial presidency” we have watched a-building since the days of Teddy Roosevelt? [excerpt

The Trump Presidency and the Press

[Excerpt] It is not difficult to understand why presidents frequently voice frustration with the press. Imagine being subjected to critical analysis 24/7 by reporters, bloggers and pundits who often lack complete and accurate information but face competitive pressure to publish quickly