Succour to the Confused Deputy Types for Capabilities

Abstract. The possession of secrets is a recurrent theme in security literature and practice. We present a refinement type system, based on indexed intuitonist S4 necessity, for an object calculus with explicit locations (corresponding to principals) to control the principals that may possess a secret. Type safety ensures that if the execution of a well-typed program leads to a configuration with an object p located at principal a, then a possesses the capability to p. We illustrate the type system with simple examples drawn from web applications, including an illustration of how Cross-Site Request Forgery (CSRF) vulnerabilities may manifest themselves as absurd refinements on object declarations during type checking. This is an extended version of a paper that appears in APLAS 2012

Educators engaged in meaning-making about their work : using an expanding circles model of governance, grounded in sociocratic principles, to improve the work educators do

The early part of the 21st century saw a dramatic shift in Western cultures away from representative democracy to a more participatory or deep democracy. Advocates of this new democracy consider that finding solutions to the problems that confront our world, on a global scale, are too complex to be left in the hands of elected officials. As a result, public participation, or community engagement, has become a way for organisations to dig deeper in order to find more resilient and sustainable solutions to difficult problems. This form of democracy presupposes informed citizens who are communicatively competent to take their place as fully participating members of a democratic society. As schools are considered by some experts to be the best place to develop the skills required for democratic participation it made me question the reality of making such a claim. Overwhelmingly, schools continue to function under endowed, autocratic leadership where there is little opportunity for democratic participation.In undertaking my research I took on the role of co-participant in two primary schools to explore the question: What happens when teachers are given greater opportunities to deliberate and make decisions about the work they do? How and why it happened became the focus of an auto-ethnographic study with co-participants from the two schools over a period of two and a half years (2008-2010). As the researcher, I coached, mentored and guided individual teachers, principals, teams of teachers and leadership teams through a restructuring and reculturing process that began with the introduction of a new governance model, sociocracy, where decisions are made by the socios, people in close social proximity to one another, rather than the demos, the general populace. The complex and emerging nature of this research determined that I use a multi paradigmatic design, as espoused by Guba (1990), in order to respond to the turbulent nature of the research field. My design allowed me to continually shift focus to reveal multiple perspectives, my own and “Other”, as I mined the rich underlay of data that emerged out of my interactions in each school. The quality standards used to measure the worth of this project are aligned to the methodologies chosen; they shift throughout the project as I consciously choose the best way to reveal the knowledge gained from my interactions in the field. I have interwoven theory, practice and multiple voices throughout the text as a way of balancing the reported disconnect that teachers feel between policy and practice.The outcome of this research is a holistic, scalable organisational framework for schools to use as a way of creating resilient learning organisations that adapt and improve in a constant state of be(com)ing

Enacting the 'civilian plus':International humanitarian actors and the conceptualization of distinction

The civilian-combatant frame persists as the main legal lens through which lawyers organize the relationships of conflict zone actors. As a result, little attention has been paid in international legal scholarship to different gradations of ‘civilianness’ and the ways in which some civilians might compete to distinguish themselves from each other. Drawing attention to international humanitarian actors – particularly those working for NGOs – this article explores the micro-strategies these actors engage in to negotiate their relative status in war. Original qualitative empirical findings from South Sudan illuminate the way in which humanitarians struggle over distinction with individuals working for the UN peacekeeping mission, UNMISS. As is shown, humanitarian actors are doing away with a static civilian-combatant binary in their daily practice. A more fluid logic informs both their self-conceptualization and their interactions with others who share the operational space. Humanitarian actors envision civilianness as a contingent concept, and they operate according to a continuum along which everything is a matter of degree and subtle gradation. As civilianness is detached from the civilian, any given actor might acquire or shed civilian-like, or combatant-like, characteristics at any moment. The distinction practices that humanitarian actors enact can be understood as a bid for legibility, so that they might be rendered intelligible in international law and in the eyes of other actors as a special kind of civilian – the ‘civilian plus’

Diplomacy and the politics of fear: the 21st century challenges to the theory and practice of Diplomacy and International Relations

Conflicts, political unrest, mass migration and the rise of violent extremism by non-state actors are features that have characterized the early 21st century. A huge challenge to world peace and security is posed by volatile economic and political conditions around the world. This situation has led to a growing tension in many inter-state relations which arguably has underpinned the rise of groups such as Al Qaeda and Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in the Middle East, the Boko Haram in West Africa, and Al Shabaab in East Africa. Arguably, there is a growing sense of fear and unease in every sphere of social, economic and political life. More than at any other time in human history, the future seems uncertain. Relationships and trusts between states and their citizens are breaking down; relations, mutual cooperation and connections between states are under strain; there is growing sense of disillusionment by the governed of the ability of governments and mainstream political establishments to address their concerns and meet their needs. The feeling of uncertainty and general fear for the future is real. While these may not necessarily be universally held views, there is a growing indication that people and communities around the world are feeling dissatisfied and may be threatened by mainstream political systems. Just when it is most needed, diplomacy and diplomatic practice seem to be taking the back seat in the face of growing conflicts. This conference examines the socio-economic and political environment that creates social and political discontent, political apathy, the weakening of inter-state relations, and the general sense of fear

The Wandesfordes: The Ideology of Landlordism in North Kilkenny

The primary concern of this study is to investigate the unique survival of the Wandesforde family into the middle o f the twentieth century. The investigation of this matter is offered by way of an enquiry into the ideological position of the Wandesforde family, and the historical explanation of it. As a preliminary to this, the first chapter provides a general background as to how the Wandesforde family came to live in North Kilkenny. The central argument of the chapter is the discussion of how individual family members are influenced by the ideology of the century they lived in as well as by their own personal conception of what the family ideology is. It also highlights how Richard, Henry, Prior-Wandesforde, the final Wandesforde family member to inherit the Wandesforde landed Estate in the twentieth century, achieved the loyalty and respect of the Castlecomer Community by the continuation of various concepts from his ancestral ideology. It is also noted that significant changes have occurred to the Wandesforde capitalist institution by this time and that the ideology which is central to the continuation of Wandesforde domination over the Castlecomer people has adapted and changed to ensure the families economic survival. In Chapter Two, we attempt to show the change in the Wandesforde ideology, by examining the new economic power base i.e. the family coal mines. This chapter attempts to discuss the economic domination of the Wandesforde capitalist institution and it outlines the continued acceptance of the Castlecomer people o f this economic situation. The rise o f class consciousness and the militant Mine and Quarry Union are described as the first real challenge to the Wandesforde capitalist institution and its ideology. There is also a general discussion about how the subsequent loss of power and the right to demand unconditional loyalty, force the Wandesforde ideology to adapt and change again to a new economic position. The final chapter, illustrates the Wandesforde strategy for survival by placing them in the broader pre-Second World War economic picture. The strengthening of the Wandesforde power base by substituting local power for national is highlighted, while the scene is set to discuss the reasons why Richard, Henry, Prior-Wandesforde felt he could retain his dominating stronghold over the Castlecomer community against mass opposition

Revanchist Russia? Russian perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty, 1990-2008

The theme of this thesis concerns post-Soviet Russian foreign policy perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty between 1990 and 2008. In the thesis I argue that Russian perceptions became increasingly revanchist in nature during this period, and that we may distinguish between two different types of revanchism, the consequences of which for Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty are quite different. I argue that all Russian perceptions of international affairs are constituted by perceptions of Russia. Thus, perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty may be divided into three categories, or paradigms, each of which centres on a specific concept that legitimises the existence of Russia, and determines how Belarus and Ukraine are viewed. The three central concepts are the concepts of Law, Power, and Nation, respectively. In the introduction, I outline these paradigms, both in abstract terms and in relation to Russian foreign policy in general, as well as Russian foreign policy towards Belarus and Ukraine. Subsequently, I present my methodology and my literature review, together with a discussion of the theoretical assumptions, which provide the foundation for my argument. Then, I briefly outline Russian foreign policy making during the period relevant for my thesis, before the four main chapters of my thesis outline in roughly chronological fashion how the relative significance of the three paradigms has changed over time. Overall, I find that whereas the paradigm of Power has generally dominated perceptions, the paradigm of Law has gradually lost influence, whereas the influence of the paradigm of Nation has gradually increased. Since I define both the paradigm of Power and the paradigm of Nation as “revanchist,” I conclude that Russian perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty between 1990 and 2008 gradually became more revanchist in nature

Nineteenth century clergymen and issues of faith, doubt and death: A literary review

This thesis attempts to evaluate the role of the Victorian clergyman, mainly of the Church of England, with reference to issues of faith and doubt in the context of Christian death. Chapter 1 indicates the problematic element inherent in the certainty of the hope of the Resurrection and goes on to trace the development of the Christian perception of death. It leads up to the expression of nineteenth century views influenced by the theology of the seventeenth century cleric Jeremy Taylor representing the Caroline divines. Chapter 2 deals briefly with Anthony Trollope's criticism of the church as an institution and takes examples of situational ethics from the Barsetshire Novels. It goes on to concentrate on the role of Septimus Harding who represents the tradition of the good pastor and also exemplifies 'holy dying' according to the model of the ars moriendi proposed by Jeremy Taylor. Chapter 3 portrays, in sharp contrast, the death of the outsider in four of Thomas Hardy's novels. It focuses on the inadequate response of the institutional church to the pastoral and emotional needs of those who have placed themselves outside the perceived normal bounds of the Christian community. At the same time biblical language and Christian liturgy remain significant but are adapted to fit a changing situation. Chapter 4 introduces some of George Eliot's representatives of the clergy. These include examples of the 'gentleman' cleric, of some very imperfect specimens of humanity on whose behalf she invokes the reader's sympathetic understanding, of the martyr figure and of those who serve their community with unpretentious diligence. This chapter also discusses Eliot's conception of the nature of the immortality to which her characters aspire. Chapter 5 draws together and compares some of the complex issues and conclusions from the three writers and attempts to relate them to the ongoing historical role of the contemporary clergy and their successors

Perceptions of Naval Power in Crisis Management: Lebanon and the Levant During the Cold War

Lebanon and the Levant are lands of ancient maritime history. Here, centuries of interactions with seapower have produced, through the agency of collective memories, specific perceptions of the use of navies as diplomatic and crisis management tools during the Cold War.The literature concerning naval diplomacy during the Cold War is focused on theoretical conceptions and on the naval interactions between the Superpowers. The critical dimension of the dialectic between the naval diplomacy deployed by the Powers during Levantine crises and onshore strategic, political, and cultural conditions has generally been neglected. The mismatch between the language of naval power during the Cold War and Levantine perceptions thereof is rooted in pre-Cold War expectations and prejudices and has yet to be explored. This thesis proposes an original approach in examining how Levantine perceptions of naval power distorted the latter’s communication and impacted its capacity to influence attitudes, behaviours, and events. For the first time, it provides a comprehensive account of the naval diplomacy deployed by the Powers in response to the Levantine crises during the Cold War. Based on this, a new understanding of navies as instruments of statecraft and diplomatic coercion as well as essential tools for the prosecution of the Cold War emerges. It shows how naval diplomacy in the Levant was essentially a coercive diplomacy and demonstrates the impact of navies on the local state system and mentalities.The thesis develops a new dimension to the history of Lebanon, a polity which was shaped by naval power. By means of two case studies, the U.S. 1958 landing in Beirut and the U.S.-led Multinational Force in Lebanon (1982-84) – two key moments in Lebanese history, the thesis shows that naval diplomacy consists in a continuum of iterative nuances and multilateral messaging, away from the Cold War era mechanistic theoretical models. It demonstrates how naval diplomatic actions unfolded inside active war zones, clashing with conflicting local expectations and perceptions and engaging into an escalatory dialectic where the mightiest battleship seems powerless and naval diplomacy is taken to the brink of undeclared war. Through the adoption of a long-term perspective and the integration of the multiple dimensions of naval interventions, the thesis re-evaluates the notions of ‘success’ and ‘failure’ in naval diplomacy. It contributes to a wider understanding of how seapower shapes events ashore