Information operations as a means of cognitive superiority - theory and term research in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The goal of today\u27s information operations is to over-throw reality, i.e. to establish an imposed perception and understanding that lead to the same thinking, which will ultimately cause the desired action. Therefore, the mass media no longer transmit only interpretations of past events or model a narrative, but also teach the target audience how to think correctly, thus producing a behavioral outcome of a political and social character. Consequently with the political-security evolution, communication has become a means of a new hybrid war where the goal is cognitive superiority as the ultimate tool of subjugation and rule. This paper deals with the theory and research of the term information operations and cognitive superiority in Bosnia and Herzegovina through a sociological field survey of residents with the aim of inductively determining the level of knowledge and awareness of the public about them

War reporting and the new war paradigm: a critical analysis of the UK military’s media operations policies

The current military-media relationship, in which war reporters face greater challenges accessing operational zones, is marked by destabilisation. The key focus of this thesis is to describe the struggle of the military and the media in a British context, one that involves keeping up with the pace of massive developments in: (a) the nature of warfare, (b) the revolution in military affairs, and (c) information and communications technologies. I argue that the relationship between operational security, digitalisation, and moral obligations is vulnerable in today’s conflicts – considering those aspects of journalistic values which claim truthfulness and objectivity. Grounded theory is used to analyse qualitative semi-structured interviews and official documents by employing comparative methods and coding. Research questions are grouped into three themes outlining my key methodological arguments: (1) a revolution shown in military documents in the forms of new war; (2) the characteristics of war journalism in post-Iraq War; and (3) the impact that the digital revolution has had on the role of war reporters. My findings illustrate some implications and recommendations for military policies and journalistic practices. In theory, the military’s media policy is aimed at securing journalistsʼ safety and operational security. However, in practice, the loss of autonomy, a lack of clear objectives, and editorial restraints have made journalistic work more complicated. The analytical framework utilised has identified two emergent themes: (1) the post-embedding era recognises the struggle of the military to incorporate the media into today’s conflicts because of the extent of violence in the ‘War Amongst the People’ (WAP); and, (2) the classic form of war reportage has become vulnerable to a new type of asymmetric threats as wars are often fought in a hybrid style. The latest typology of ‘new war’ has reinforced a sense of uncertainty and ambiguity in the process of war reportage, and information management, which can create instability pertaining to the role of the media in conflicts. In conclusion, the risk of uncontrollable and unmanageable media reportage can only be eliminated by the military if journalism becomes an integral part of the military’s command and control structure

Master of Science

thesisThis essay will elaborate on the South Caucasian conflicts of Nagorno-Karabakh between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which happened from 1988-1994, and those between Georgia and its breakaway territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia from 1991-1993. The goal is to show how Cultural Affirmative Philosophy may transform no-war-norpeace situations into new possibilities for gradual conflict resolution. The thesis argues that the roots of the current ethnic and territorial antagonisms in the Caucasus are not in ancient hatreds, but are the results of war machines that were put into motion during the 90s and continue to keep communities and decision-makers enslaved by transcendental dynamics. Despite all the existing obstacles, it is still possible to deactivate the war machines through the lines of flight between similarly nomadic actors online. New media activism, which is accurately described by the Deleuzo-Guattarian concept of the rhizome, can challenge barriers that divide postwar communities and create platforms for understanding of the grievances, hopes, and fears of each side

Colombia and the Intelligence Cycle in the 21st Century, the Digital Age

Luuretsükkel on luureinfo analüüsimise ja kogumise peamine protsess, mida kasutatakse\n\rkogu maailmas. Kuna see süsteem on vananenud, siis ei saa see lahendada neid ülesandeid,\n\rmida tehnoloogia areng ja digiajastu on kaasa toonud. Info liigub küberruumis.\n\rLuuretsükkel kasutab erinevaid luureinfo vorme, tarvitades otsingus, kogumises, analüüsis\n\rja levitamises kaasaegseid tehnoloogilisi vahendeid. Luures on teada ebaõnnestumisi, mis\n\rtulenesid sellest, et ei suudetud jälgida luuretsüklit info muutumise kiiruse või\n\rolemasolevatest tehnoloogilistest süsteemidest puuduliku teadlikkuse tõttu.\n\rLuureprotsessi tuleb integreerida tehnoloogia ja küberruumiga, et 21. sajandil luurevõimet\n\rarendada. On vaja kasutada kõiki ressursse ja integreerida kõiki\n\rolemasolevaid tehnoloogilisi allikaid põhilistest protsessidest alates.\n\rTäielik protsess, mis ühendab luureinfo saamise protsessi küberruumi ja infotehnoloogia\n\rkasutamisega, on vajalik selleks, et olemasolevat informatsiooni kasutada ja kindlustada.\n\rSee uurimistöö pakub uut, luure läbiviimiseks mõeldut mikrotsüklite protsessi. See koosneb\n\rviiest mikrotsüklist ja selle eesmärk on luure protsesside ja tehnoloogiate integreerimine, et\n\rsaada paremaid tulemusi 21. sajandi luure arengutes.The intelligence cycle is the main process in developing and obtaining intelligence used worldwide. Currently, it has problems and is outdated because it was not created to face the challenges that technology and the digital age have brought about. Information moves and travels in cyberspace, which are current as well as the future land of conflicts. The intelligence cycle is using technology systems through different forms of intelligence taking advantage of current technological developments for the search, collection, analysis and dissemination, but is not being fully exploited. Cases have been observed, where intelligence failed because of not following the intelligence cycle due to the speed of information or lack of knowledge of technological systems at the service of intelligence. The intelligence process must be integrated and work hand in hand with technology and the cyberspace, developing intelligence for the 21st century. It is necessary to use all resources and integrate all existing technological sources starting from the core of the process. \n\rA complete process that integrates the process of obtaining intelligence with the use and exploitation of cyberspace and information technology is required for increasing, securing and exploiting all available information. In the development of this thesis, a new process of micro cycles for intelligence has been developed. It consists of five micro cycles and its purpose is to integrate intelligence processes and technology for better results in this new era of intelligence development in 21st century

Future War and the War Powers Resolution

Since its passage in 1973 over the veto of then-President Nixon, the War Powers Resolution (WPR) has been laden with controversy. Labeled as everything from ineffective to unconstitutional, the WPR has generally failed in its design to require notification and consultation to Congress by the President. Despite numerous proposals to amend the WPR, it continues to languish in the twilight of Executive war powers, and its future is bleak. With emerging technologies such as drones, cyber tools, nanotechnology, and genomics, the ineffectiveness of the WPR will prove even more profound. The WPR’s reliance on “armed forces” and “hostilities” as triggers for the reporting and consulting requirements of the statute will prove completely inadequate to regulate the use of these advanced technologies. Rather, as the President analyzes the applicability of the WPR to military operations using these advancing technologies, he will determine that the WPR is not triggered and he has no reporting requirements. Recent conflicts (or potential conflicts) in Libya, Syria and Iraq highlight this inevitability. For the WPR to achieve the aim it was originally intended to accomplish, Congress will need to amend the statute to cover emerging technologies that do not require “boots on the ground” to be effective and which would not constitute “hostilities.” This article proposes expanding the coverage of the WPR from actions by armed forces to actions by armed forces personnel, supplies or capabilities. The article also proposes expanding the coverage of the statute to hostilities and violations of the sovereignty of other nations by the armed forces

Future War and the War Powers Resolution

Since its passage in 1973 over the veto of then-President Nixon, the War Powers Resolution (WPR) has been laden with controversy. Labeled as everything from ineffective to unconstitutional, the WPR has generally failed in its design to require notification and consultation to Congress by the President. Despite numerous proposals to amend the WPR, it continues to languish in the twilight of Executive war powers, and its future is bleak. With emerging technologies such as drones, cyber tools, nanotechnology, and genomics, the ineffectiveness of the WPR will prove even more profound. The WPR’s reliance on “armed forces” and “hostilities” as triggers for the reporting and consulting requirements of the statute will prove completely inadequate to regulate the use of these advanced technologies. Rather, as the President analyzes the applicability of the WPR to military operations using these advancing technologies, he will determine that the WPR is not triggered and he has no reporting requirements. Recent conflicts (or potential conflicts) in Libya, Syria and Iraq highlight this inevitability. For the WPR to achieve the aim it was originally intended to accomplish, Congress will need to amend the statute to cover emerging technologies that do not require “boots on the ground” to be effective and which would not constitute “hostilities.” This article proposes expanding the coverage of the WPR from actions by armed forces to actions by armed forces personnel, supplies or capabilities. The article also proposes expanding the coverage of the statute to hostilities and violations of the sovereignty of other nations by the armed forces

Answering the Cyber Oversight Call

In the past few years, a revised cyber strategy, a spate of new cyber authorities, and revamped presidential directives have significantly expanded the cyber capabilities of the U.S. military. This expansion has coincided with a weakening and dispersion of traditional congressional oversight mechanisms, creating a separation of powers mismatch. This mismatch, and the necessarily stealthy features that characterize cyberoperations, inhibit Congress’s ability to gain a comprehensive understanding of the use and deployment of these cyber powers, while obscuring the use of such powers from the public as well. Put bluntly, the traditional congressional oversight mechanisms are not suited to the cyber oversight task. There is a need to find alternative players able to answer the cyber oversight call. To fill this gap, scholars have proposed various “surrogates” and “intermediaries” including foreign allies, local governments, technology companies, and other private sector actors. This Article urges a different approach by examining the consequential role of the Department of Defense Office of Inspector General (DoD OIG) from the cyber oversight perspective. Although often maligned and misunderstood as the bean counters of the federal government, inspectors general serve critical functions in our constitutional scheme, both as internal checks on abuses of executive power and as conduits of information to the legislative branch. The DoD OIG is uniquely positioned and equipped to fill the gaps in the cyber oversight framework, and to ensure that the political branches are working together to appropriately limit and guide the use of these vast new cyber powers. In sum, this Article explores the DoD OIG’s distinctive ability to answer the cyber oversight call

New World, New War: Understanding Global Jihad

Scholars tend to explain contemporary conflicts by referring to ambiguously defined processes of globalization. Given this conceptual vacuum, I build a theoretical model that explains the transformation of war through a rigorous analysis of globalization from multiple temporal perspectives. This Braudelian model, which examines the warfighting paradigm, the social mode of warfare, and the historical structure of war, is then used to explain globalist radical Islam. My findings indicate that the emergence of global network societies has had a profound, transformative effect on jihadist violence and, more broadly, on the global mode of warfare