Goths and South Pannonia

U radu se na temelju izvorne građe i relevantne historiografske literature daje sustavna analiza svjedočanstava ponajprije iz literarnih izvora o gotskoj prisutnosti u južnoj Panoniji (pokrajine Panonija Savija i Druga Panonija s neposrednim susjedstvom). Posebna se pozornost posvećuje značajkama i posljedicama ostrogotske vladavine u južnopanonskim pokrajinama.Gothic presence in Southpannonian provinces can be observed in three different periods of history: 1. 379/380-408; 2. 454/455-473; 3. 488/493-537. The first period was marked by initial raids, settlements and the state of unrest among members of the group comprised of three peoples: the Ostrogoths, the Alans and the Huns. The rebel Visigoth Federates also made their presence felt under Alaric’s leadership. Except in the earliest stages of the period, i.e. before the conclusion of the federate accord (380), Southpannonian provinces were not exposed to immediate danger of the federates themselves, who in fact had not been settled there in the first place (except perhaps in the part of Second Pannonia across the Drava river). However, their unreliability as the defensive line at the Danube border did instill a sense of insecurity in the life of the towns and villages. Neither did Alaric’s Goths, as far as we can tell, raid these areas, although the very appearance of an organized barbaric army must have been cause enough for fear on the part of the local population. After Ataulf joined with Alaric, they left Pannonia. This meant the disappearance of the last remnants of the Gothic component of the formerly unique tripartite group. The second period started with the appearance of Valamir’s Ostrogoths, who chose to settle over a larger portion of South Pannonia, and subsequently gained the permission from the Eastern Empire, i.e. from Emperor Marcian (455). The Ostrogoths established three separate settlements, one of which was directly governed by Valamir, occupying most of Second Pannonia and the Eastern fringes of Pannonia Savia. This whole period was fraught with incessant offensive or defensive wars waged by the Ostrogoths. On several occasions the area between the rivers Drava and Sava became the stage for different battles (against the Huns in 455 and 466, and perhaps against the Sciri in 468). Its western part was traversed by the Suavi under King Hunimundus en route to plunder (467). Sirmium served the Ostrogoths as the command point during their attempts to penetrate the Illyrian Prefecture (459, 473), i.e. in the battle against the Sarmatians (471). The constant threats of attack from the outside and the frequent Ostrogothic expeditions made the life of the local population impossible, which forced them to emigrate. Having exhausted all the immediately available resources of the region, the Ostrogoths left Pannonia (in 473). It seems that the period after their arrival should also take account of the planned settlement of a portion of the Suavi in Savia. Namely, they must have formed massive settlements in Savia, since at the beginning of the 6th century the province assumed a name reminiscent of the name of this people (Savia - Suavia = Suevia). The third period was marked by Theoderic’s attempts at bringing some order into Southpannonian provinces, i.e. to reinstitute the provincial administration which actually ceased to function ever since the beginning of the Hunnic rule over Pannonia (in 433, i.e. 441). This also had a military strategic and a political goal. At that time an important change occurred with Pannonia Savia and Dalmatia becoming a single administrative unit. Within the church administration this unity lasted all through the first half of the 10th century. What was once Second Pannonia, and then was known as Sirmian Pannonia, was structured as a separate unit, given that its southeastern-most edge, comprising the town of Bassiana, was agreed to belong to the Eastern Empire (in 510). The most numerous archeological finds date back to this period, bearing witness to Gothic presence between the rivers Sava-Drava-Danube. Following Theoderic’s death (526) the power of the Ostrogothic state gradually started to decline. Although the Ostrogoths successfully repelled the Gepide attack on Sirmium in 528, Theoderic’s death was a clear sign of changing political circumstances. Finally, in 535 the Eastern Empire waged a massive war against the Ostrogoths with a view to achieving their complete destruction. In the earliest stages of the war East Roman armies took over Sirmium, and somewhat later Savia, which the Ostrogoths had to relinquish for good in 537

The Huns and South Pannonia

U radu se na temelju izvorne građe i relevantne historiografske literature daje sustavna analiza svjedočanstava o hunskoj prisutnosti u južnoj Panoniji i uloge Huna u rastakanju državnopolitičkog ustroja kasnoga Rimskog Carstva na hrvatskome povijesnom prostoru. Posebna se pozornost posvećuje značajkama i posljedicama hunske vladavine u južnopanonskim pokrajinama. Također, propituje se u kojoj je mjeri hunska premoć utjecala na promjenu u dotadašnjim odnosima između Istoka i Zapada u vezi sa zapadnoiliričkim prostorom.On the basis of original documents and the relevant historiographic literature, this contribution lays out a systematic analysis of accounts of the presence of Huns in South Pannonia and of the role the Huns had in the decomposition of the government structures of the late Roman Empire on the historical lands of Croatia. Special attention is paid to the features and effects of the Hun rule in Southpannonian provinces. Also, we address the issue of the extent of impact the Huns had on the changes in the relations which then obtained between the East and the West in respect of Westillyric areas. The Hun appearance in Southpannonian regions was first noted at the end of 370s when a group of three peoples headed by Alatheus and Saphrax raided the area. Probably no Pannonian regions were spared these raids, nor were parts of neighbouring regions (the raiding of Mursa, Stridon and Poetovio). Soon the situation abated, after Alatheus\u27 and Saphrax\u27 Ostrogoths, Alans and Huns probably settled in Pannonia as imperial federates (in 380). Assuming the duties of frontier soldiers, they were able to provide a short break from external dangers in Pannonia, eventhough their presence was always felt to be a potential source of instability because of their violent bursts of dissatisfaction, their unreliability and even their internecine feuds. From the second half of 390s, crisis practically never ceased to exist in the mid- Danube area, the Hunnic federates largely contributing to such a condition. Their first withdrawal from Pannonia can be seen as a result of Ataulph\u27s joining in Alaric\u27s raid against Italy in 408. They were finally forced to abandon the area 19 years later (in 427). That was the time when Pannonia was already under threat from the socalled Great Huns, who as early as from the beginnings of the 5th century (especially given the great barbaric invasion across the mid-Danube in 405/406) were exercising a great impact on Pannonia. The year 433 was, of course, the crucial year, when the Western imperial government let the Huns take over probably three of four Pannonian provinces (the First Pannonia, Valeria and the Second Pannonia). The perilous vicinity of Huns and the West\u27s interest in avoiding any conflicts with them contributed significantly to the decision that the major portion of West Illyricum (all the four Pannonian provinces, and perhaps Dalmatia as well) be submitted to the Eastern Empire. It is possible that around that time, in the first half of 430s, a new province was established, the so called Valeria Media, along the southwest border of Savia, probably around Poetovio. It was to serve as the pre-Alpic portion of the defense system of the Western Roman Empire. A direct Hun impact in the Southpannonian area was marked only once, in 441, when the Huns, having captured Sirmium, succeeded in their violent takeover of Second Pannonia. This also marked the end of the outstanding role this Southpannonian city had for a long time as center of military and administrative power in the history of the Roman Empire. The transition of Atilla\u27s forces in 452 through the region between the Sava, the Drava and the Danube did not leave any damage behind as no resistance was met in Southpannonian provinces. Fear of the Huns and other barbaric tribes as they stormed through Pannonia, sparked off as of the end of the 4th century, and especially in the first half of the 5th century, a massive flight of the romanized inhabitants to the southwest (Noricum, Italy) and south (Dalmatia), and later on to the southeast (East Illyricum). A part of Southpannonian peoples fell under the Hunnic rule (after the fall of Sirmium in 441), while some Pannonians later even served under the Huns; either forced to do so or voluntarily. The Pannonian area captured not only served the Huns their militarystrategic purposes, but it was also economically exploited. Although South Pannonia (the provinces of Second Pannonia and Savia) were only partially or marginally affected by the great transition of peoples in the first half of the 5th century and by the Hun raids, the circumstances still radically changed in the aftermath. The Hunnic impact indirectly influenced the fate of West Illyricum and opened the gate for Germanic peoples who eventually captured Pannonia after the breakdown of the Hunnic megastate

The influence of the UV irradiation intensity on photocatalytic activity of ZnAl layered double hydroxides and derived mixed oxides

Layered double hydroxides (LDHs) have been studied to a great extent as environmental-friendly complex materials that can be used as photocatalysts or photocatalyst supports. ZnAl layered double hydroxides and their derived mixed oxides were chosen for the investigation of photocatalytic performances in correlation with the UV intensities measured in the South Pannonia region. Low supersaturation coprecipitation method was used for the ZnAl LDH synthesis. For the characterization of LDH and thermal treated samples powder X-ray diffraction (XRD), scanning electron microscopy (SEM), electron dispersive spectroscopy (EDS), nitrogen adsorption-desorption were used. The decomposition of azodye, methylene blue was chosen as photocatalytic test reaction. The study showed that the ZnAl mixed oxide obtained by thermal decomposition of ZnAl LDH has stable activity in the broader UV light irradiation range characterizing the selected region. Photocatalytic activity could be mainly attributed to the ZnO phase, detected both in LDH and thermally treated samples. The study showed that the ZnAl mixed oxide obtained by the calcination of ZnAl LDH has a stable activity within the measured UV light irradiation range; whereas the parent ZnAl LDH catalyst did not perform satisfactory when low UV irradiation intensity is implied

Slavs in the early medieval South Pannonia

U radu se na temelju pisane i arheološke građe te relevantne historiografske literature pruža sustavna analiza svjedočanstava o ranoj nazočnosti slavenskog etnija u južnoj Panoniji u ranom srednjem vijeku, od prvih mogućih naznaka slavenske prisutnosti u srednjem Podunavlju u 5. stoljeću do vremena karolinškog prodora i sloma Avarskog Kaganata potkraj 8. i početkom 9. stoljeća. Obrađuje se i pitanje slavenske etnogeneze i avarske uloge u širenju Slavena u južnoj Panoniji.Based on written and archaeological materials, as well as relevant historiographic literature, the paper provides a systematic analysis of testimonies about the early presence of the Slavic ethnicity in South Pannonia in the early medieval period, from the first indications of Slavic presence in the Slavonian Danube Valley until the times of Carolingian incursion and the fall of the Avar Khaganate. It also addresses the issue of Slavic ethnogenesis and the role of the Avars in Slavic expansion in South Pannonia

Post-Roman city in South Pannonia – example of Cibalae

U radu se na primjeru Cibala raspravlja o rimskom gradu u južnoj Panoniji nakon sloma rimske vlasti i u uvjetima bitno izmijenjenih političkih, gospodarskih i populacijskih prilika na prijelazu iz kasne antike u rano srednjovjekovlje. Cilj je odrediti osnovne tijekove urbane degradacije rimskih Cibala i obilježja njihove naseobinske preobrazbe s osobitim obzirom na arheološku topografiju u kasnoantičkom i ranosrednjovjekovnom razdoblju. S tim u vezi razlažu se okolnosti odumiranja urbane strukture, utvrđuju se pomaci u naseljavanju i razmatraju svjedočanstva o nazočnosti novih populacija.Using Cibalae as example, this paper discusses the Roman city in South Pannonia after the breakdown of Roman rule under significantly changed political, economic and demographic conditions at the transition from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages. The purpose of the paper is establishing the basic processes of urban degradation of the Roman Cibalae and its transformation with particular respect to archaeological topography in Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages. In relation to that, the paper details the circumstances of urban structure degradation, identifies the shifts in the settlement of the area and analyses the testimonies to the presence of new populations. The Cibalae example is symptomatic of the destiny of most late antique cities in South Pannonia. The somewhat prosperous urban community for the duration of the entire 4th century, Cibalae was exposed to a rapid decline since the end of the same century, primarily due to utterly unfavourable military and political conditions within the Sava-Drava-Danube confluence. During the period, the city experienced the degradation and reduction of its urban space, a logical consequence of a significant loss of urban population, finally turning into a rural environment. The fi ndings testifying to the everyday life in Cibalae become sporadic and rare since the beginning of the 5th century. The Huns’ period, as it seems, dealt the final blow to the urbanicity of Cibalae. The city could not even rely on its bishop, since the Cibalae diocese ceased existing in the fi rst half of the 5th century, as much as we are able to tell. The Ostrogoth rule during the first half of the 6th century did not significantly improve the conditions, although we may presume that the Ostrogoth rulers contributed to a certain revival of Cibalae area. It may have been the basis for the observed growth of the former city under the Gepid rule, which had grown to the position of the second largest settlement of the South Pannonian region of the Gepid kingdom in the middle of the 6th century. While colonising Cibalae, the Gepids undoubtedly gave priority to their own military, strategic and other considerations. It would not be justified to ascribe the fall of Cibalae and other South Pannonian cities exclusively to their military and strategic function, although it did play an important role in turning the important cities to targets of attacks. On the other hand, strategically convenient position could have had a favourable impact on the readiness of government to maintain the urban structure of the city in spite of the difficulties, as seen from the examples of Siscia and Sirmium in the 6th century. Neither Ostrogoth-Byzantine war nor Gepid-Lombard wars could cause the destruction of South Pannonian settlements, as well as intensify further degradation of the remnants of urban structures including Cibalae, since the deurbanisation process had already been completed with the exception of Siscia and Sirmium. After all, the fi ghts between Ostrogoths and Eastern Romans had not been fought in the area of the Sava-Drava-Danube confluence. Finally, by the last quarter of the 6th century, the urban structure of Cibalae had perished long ago and the rural settlement that followed was reduced to a very rudimentary form. Present insights allow us to conclude that a following, shy expansion into the area occurred only during the 7th century. But the settlers of that period, having no relation to Roman traditions whatsoever, shun from the inner urban area of former Cibalae, a dead city

ECCLESIASTICAL ORGANIZATION IN SOUTH PANNONIA IN THE LATE ANTIQUITY

U radu se prati razvoj crkvene organizacije u dvjema južnopanonskim pokrajinama, Panoniji Saviji i Drugoj Panoniji, od kraja 4. do kraja 6. stoljeća. Osobita pozornost posvećena je pitanju Jovijske biskupije u Saviji te Basijanske biskupije u Drugoj (Sirmijskoj) Panoniji. Ocrtavaju se nepovoljne prilike u kakve su zapale kršćanske zajednice u južnoj Panoniji s rasapom rimskoga državnog sustava. Obrađuje se i problem širenja jurisdikcije salonitanskog nadbiskupa u južnopanonskim pokrajinama nauštrb ovlasti sirmijskog metropolita. Što se tiče stanja crkvene organizacije u južnoj Panoniji u 6. stoljeću, važno je spomenuti siscijske biskupe na dvama koncilima u Saloni, što pokazuje da je Crkva u Zapadnom Iliriku bila još dovoljno vitalna. U tom je vremenu bila obnovljena i djelatnost Arijanske crkve jer su novi panonski vlastodršci (Ostrogoti i Gepidi) pripadali arijanskoj sljedbi. Najočitiji je pokazatelj gašenja crkvene organizacije odlazak biskupa jer je njima prema kanonskom pravu bilo zabranjeno svojevoljno napuštati sijela, odnosno prepuštati vjerničke općine njihovoj sudbini. Bijeg sirmijskog biskupa Sebastijana 582. godine tako je i simbolički označio slom crkvene organizacije u savsko -dravsko -dunavskom međurječju.Author analyzes development of the ecclesiastical organizations in two provinces of south Pannonia – Pannonia Savia and Pannonia Seconda – in the period between the end of the fourth and the end of the sixth century. Special attention is driven to the question of the bishopric of Iovia in Pannonia Savia and the bishopric of Bassianae in the Pannonia Seconda. Author describes untoward circumstances after collapse of the Roman system, which influenced life of Christians in the south Pannonia. Moreover, author investigates the question of expansion of jurisdiction of the archbishop of Salona on the provinces in south Pannonia, which happened on the expense of the metropolite of Syrmium. Regarding the ecclesiastical organization in the south Pannonia in the sixth century it is important to note that bishops of Sisciae are mentioned on two councils in Salona, which proves that at this time Church in the Western Illyiric was still quite vital. Furthermore, since the rulers of Pannonia (Ostrogoths and Gepids) were worshipers of the Arianism, activities of the Arian Church certainly were revitalized in this period. The most evident proof of disappearance of an ecclesiastical organization is bishops’ vacancies, since according to the canon law they could not freely abandon their dioceses and worshipers’ communities. Therefore, escape of Sebastian the bishop of Syrmium in 582 was just a symbolic act of the ecclesiastical organization breakdown on the territory that was bordered with rivers Sava, Drava and Danube. Ecclesiastical organization in the south Pannonia from the end of the fourth century started to endure pressure from which at the end it was not able to recover. Up to the mid fifth century decay of the ecclesiastical organization became more and more obvious, and its first culmination was marked with the flight of the bishop of Syrmium before Attila’s Huns in 441. At this time many other bishoprics in the south Pannonia were already vacant; namely sees in Cibaliae, Mursia, Sisciae, and probably in Iovia, if the suppositions that it ever existed is correct, were abandoned since there is no mention of their bishops in the period. All this was partly caused by decomposition of urban structures and massive depopulation because of the unstable political circumstances and nor emperor nor provincial authorities could not provide necessary level of security. Still, this did not mean that the local Christian communities had disappeared, but only that there was no condition for preserving a stable ecclesiastical administrative organization. Because of such situation these regions were administratively incorporated into dioceses which were not so endangered, and this was the reason why the metropolite of Salona extended his jurisdiction to the region between rivers Sava, Drava and Danube. For the western parts of this region such bonding continued even during the Ostrogoth and Byzantine rule in the first half of the sixth century. One can maintain such supposition because we have proof that bishops of Sisciae participated in the work of the councils in Salona. Still, one has to admit that emperor Justinian in 545 subjected entire Pannonia to the archbishop of Justiniana Prima, but in reality this did not have any practical consequences. However, all these facts suggest that ecclesiastical organization was positively affected by the stabilization of political circumstances and improved the central authorities control over the region. Namely, after the Empire managed to re-conquer Syrmium and its surroundings local ecclesiastical organization was »reinforced« by the organization of a new bishopric in Bassianae, which unfortunately did not last for long. It seems that renovation of Syrmium diocese was not completed since in 536 the city was captured by Gepids. The Empire finally managed to re-capture Syrmium in 567 and in this year the head of the renovated diocese became Sebastian. In the meantime diocesan see in Sisciae was vacant from the time of death of bishop Constantine. At this time it seems that the Empire did not have enough strength to maintain and support ecclesiastical organization in Pannonia Savia, especially if one bears in mind that the imperial policy of suppressing Gepids was letting Langobards to settle in Pannonia. The final strike to the ecclesiastical organization in Pannonia was invasion of Slavs and Avars during 70s and 80s of the sixth century. Therefore, when Syrimium was captured by Avars, flight of the local bishop just marked the final collapse of the ecclesiastical organization in the south Pannonia. Although Christianity did not disappear in the region, it was limited to the small and isolated communities that started to develop their own cults, embracing only elementary forms of ecclesiastical organization

Roman roads and communications in Late Antique South Pannonia.

U radu se na temelju izvorne građe, arheoloških spoznaja i relevantne historiografske literature raspravlja o prometnim komunikacijama u kasnoantičkoj južnoj Panoniji s poglavitim obzirom na tri rimske cestovne osi na spomenutom prostoru: podravsku, posavsku i podunavsku (limesku). Pozornost se posvećuje i mjesnim putovima, napose tzv. unutarnjoj cesti koja je presijecala unutrašnjost savsko-dravsko-dunavskog međuriječja te, pružajući se poprečno i uzdužno, spajala središnje područje s glavnim prometnicama. Najveća je pažnja usmjerena na topografsku problematiku odnosno identifikaciju slijeda rimskih putnih postaja.Based on written sources and archeological evidence, as well as relevant historiographic literature, the paper discusses the traffic communications in late antique South Pannonia with special regard to three Roman road axes that existed in that area: the Podravian, the Posavian, and the Danubian (the limes) roads. The vicinal roads are also given the attention, especially the so-called inner road that intersected transversely and longitudinally the interior of the Sava-Drava-Danube interamnium, and connected the central area with main traffic routes. The main focus is on the topographic issues and identification of the network of Roman road stations. Even a glance at the Roman traffic routes recorded in literary sources and established on the ground clearly shows the development of the Roman traffic system in South Pannonia and its functionality in the late antique period. Along with three road axes, the Podravian, the Posavian and the Danubian (the limes) roads, the regional, inner road (via mediterranea) was of paramount importance. No less important were the vicinal roads that connected larger settlements, such as the routes from Marsonia to Certisa or from Aquae Iasae to Iovia Botivum, cut short the lenght of some routes, such as the Posavian road that had an alternative, more straight link to Siscia through modern Turopolje, or directly connected major road links, for example the Aqua Viva-Pir-Andautonia-Siscia and the Bononia-irmium roads. These main and principal routes were complemented by a series of minor and secondary roads, which made practically the entire Sava-Drava-Danube interamnium interwoven with road network. Further on-the-ground research should additionally elucidate the courses of already established routes and certainly bring new traffic links to light, especially when it comes to junction towns such as Aquae Iasae, Aquae Balissae and Certisa. Finally, the proposed identification of road stations does not exhaust in any way the possibility of varying hypotheses, particularly with regard to data scarcity and uncertainty of itinerary and other sources, and the fact that the creation of a thorough archaeological picture is still in many ways ahead

Post-Roman city in South Pannonia – example of Cibalae

U radu se na primjeru Cibala raspravlja o rimskom gradu u južnoj Panoniji nakon sloma rimske vlasti i u uvjetima bitno izmijenjenih političkih, gospodarskih i populacijskih prilika na prijelazu iz kasne antike u rano srednjovjekovlje. Cilj je odrediti osnovne tijekove urbane degradacije rimskih Cibala i obilježja njihove naseobinske preobrazbe s osobitim obzirom na arheološku topografiju u kasnoantičkom i ranosrednjovjekovnom razdoblju. S tim u vezi razlažu se okolnosti odumiranja urbane strukture, utvrđuju se pomaci u naseljavanju i razmatraju svjedočanstva o nazočnosti novih populacija.Using Cibalae as example, this paper discusses the Roman city in South Pannonia after the breakdown of Roman rule under significantly changed political, economic and demographic conditions at the transition from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages. The purpose of the paper is establishing the basic processes of urban degradation of the Roman Cibalae and its transformation with particular respect to archaeological topography in Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages. In relation to that, the paper details the circumstances of urban structure degradation, identifies the shifts in the settlement of the area and analyses the testimonies to the presence of new populations. The Cibalae example is symptomatic of the destiny of most late antique cities in South Pannonia. The somewhat prosperous urban community for the duration of the entire 4th century, Cibalae was exposed to a rapid decline since the end of the same century, primarily due to utterly unfavourable military and political conditions within the Sava-Drava-Danube confluence. During the period, the city experienced the degradation and reduction of its urban space, a logical consequence of a significant loss of urban population, finally turning into a rural environment. The fi ndings testifying to the everyday life in Cibalae become sporadic and rare since the beginning of the 5th century. The Huns’ period, as it seems, dealt the final blow to the urbanicity of Cibalae. The city could not even rely on its bishop, since the Cibalae diocese ceased existing in the fi rst half of the 5th century, as much as we are able to tell. The Ostrogoth rule during the first half of the 6th century did not significantly improve the conditions, although we may presume that the Ostrogoth rulers contributed to a certain revival of Cibalae area. It may have been the basis for the observed growth of the former city under the Gepid rule, which had grown to the position of the second largest settlement of the South Pannonian region of the Gepid kingdom in the middle of the 6th century. While colonising Cibalae, the Gepids undoubtedly gave priority to their own military, strategic and other considerations. It would not be justified to ascribe the fall of Cibalae and other South Pannonian cities exclusively to their military and strategic function, although it did play an important role in turning the important cities to targets of attacks. On the other hand, strategically convenient position could have had a favourable impact on the readiness of government to maintain the urban structure of the city in spite of the difficulties, as seen from the examples of Siscia and Sirmium in the 6th century. Neither Ostrogoth-Byzantine war nor Gepid-Lombard wars could cause the destruction of South Pannonian settlements, as well as intensify further degradation of the remnants of urban structures including Cibalae, since the deurbanisation process had already been completed with the exception of Siscia and Sirmium. After all, the fi ghts between Ostrogoths and Eastern Romans had not been fought in the area of the Sava-Drava-Danube confluence. Finally, by the last quarter of the 6th century, the urban structure of Cibalae had perished long ago and the rural settlement that followed was reduced to a very rudimentary form. Present insights allow us to conclude that a following, shy expansion into the area occurred only during the 7th century. But the settlers of that period, having no relation to Roman traditions whatsoever, shun from the inner urban area of former Cibalae, a dead city

Neolithic decorative objects from osseous materials from the site Starčevo-grad

U radu su analizirani ukrasi od koštanih sirovina sa lokaliteta Starčevo-Grad, jedan segment inače slabo poznate koštane industrije starčevačke kulture. Ukupno dvadeset predmeta uglavnom potiče sa iskopavanja sa početka 20. veka, i čuvaju se u Narodnom muzeju u Beogradu i Narodnom muzeju u Pančevu. Od koštanih sirovina zastupljene su ljušture školjki, kosti, rogovi i zubi. Ljušture školjki su najbrojnije i prisutne su dve vrste - spondilus i dentalijum (Spondylus, Dentalium sp.). Od kostiju, uglavnom se koriste kosti krupnih ungulata, verovatno od govečeta, dok se ostale kosti, rogovi i zubi, koriste sporadično. Tehnološki posmatrano, prisutni su predmeti kod kojih je prvobitnom komadu sirovine malo ili nimalo izmenjen oblik, kao i predmeti kod kojih je sirovina dugotrajno obra đi - vana i na kojima je vidljivo veliko ulaganje vremena i velika veština majstora. Od tipova predmeta zastupljeni su privesci, perle, narukvice, kružni diskovi i prstenje, kao neobični predmeti, koji su verovatno služili kao neka vrsta kopče. Među privescima, posebno se izdvaja jedan loptasti privezak sa perforacijom u gornjem delu, izrađen od kosti. Još je nađen jedan oštećeni pravougaoni privezak od korteksa roga, kao i nedovršeni privezak, zub sa započetom perforacijom. Od perli, poznate su samo perle od dentalijum školjki, minimalno ili nimalo promenjenog prirodnog oblika. Od narukvica, nađena su tri fragmentovana primerka od spondilus školjki. Nađen je jedan predmet koji je mogao predstavljati pravi prsten, izrađen od kosti, kao i nekoliko predmeta slične forme, u vidu diska ili kružne pločice sa rupom u sredini, koji, međutim, nisu mogli biti nošeni kao pravo prstenje. Nekoliko je izrađeno od kostiju, tako što su veće duge kosti transverzalno deljene na komade, ali je jedan izrađen od spondilus školjke. Peta grupa predmeta obuhvata dva podtipa. Prvi je podtip kopči u vidu otvorene narukvice. Svi su predmeti fragmentovani, tako da je teško rekonstruisati njihov prvobitni oblik. Svi su izrađeni od većih dugih kostiju, verovatno od govečeta, i imaju pažljivo oblikovane glave i ispolirane površine. Drugi podtip predstavljen je neobičnim predmetom u vidu tankog štapića sa kružnom glavom, od kosti, koji je ne samo pažljivo ispoliran, već ima i intenzivno uglačane površine od upotrebe, što ukazuje da je bio u dugom kontaktu sa mekim materijalima, kao što su tkanina i koža. Ovi su predmeti mogli biti nošeni kao pojedinačni ili kombinovani ukrasni predmeti (deo ogrlice, narukvice i sl.), prišiveni na odeću, ili su imali funkciju kopče ili dugmeta. Izuzev predmeta od spondilusa, ostali su verovatno izrađeni lokalno, čemu u prilog govori i polufabrikat od zuba. Opet izuzev predmeta od spondilusa, forme pokazuju kako bliskoistočne uticaje, tako i određene lokalne specifičnosti, odnosno odlike starčevačke kulture. Simboličko značenje ovih predmeta moglo bi biti vezano za same sirovine od kojih su napravljeni, odnosno, moglo je biti povezano sa belom bojom, ili sa poreklom od živih životinja, što je posebno upadljivo u slučaju predmeta koji su izrađeni isključivo od kostiju krupnih ungulata.Bone industry, or the manufacture of objects from osseous materials, is less known part of prehistoric technologies. This paper will focus on one segment of the Starčevo culture industry from osseous materials, on objects used for decoration purposes. Total number of twenty pieces from eponymous site of Starčevo - Grad were analyzed from technological point of view - the choice of raw materials, techniques of production, final forms, use and discard. The analysis revealed a varied, but careful selection of raw materials, probably those bearing special significance, and the existence of local production by skillful craftsmen. As to the forms, some influences from Early Neolithic of the Near East and Greece may be observed, but there are also some original forms, characteristic for the Early and Middle Neolithic in the central Balkans and south Pannonia