Pre-Low Raising in Japanese Pitch Accent

Japanese has been observed to have 2 versions of the H tone, the higher of which is associated with an accented mora. However, the distinction of these 2 versions only surfaces in context but not in isolation, leading to a long-standing debate over whether there is 1 H tone or 2. This article reports evidence that the higher version may result from a pre-low raising mechanism rather than being inherently higher. The evidence is based on an analysis of F0 of words that varied in length, accent condition and syllable structure, produced by native speakers of Japanese at 2 speech rates. The data indicate a clear separation between effects that are due to mora-level preplanning and those that are mechanical. These results are discussed in terms of mechanisms of laryngeal control during tone production, and highlight the importance of articulation as a link between phonology and surface acoustics.postprin

Single prosodic phrase sentences

A series of production and perception experiments investigating the prosody and well-formedness of special sentences, called Wide Focus Partial Fronting (WFPF), which consist of only one prosodic phrase and a unique initial accented argument, are reported on here. The results help us to decide between different models of German prosody. The absence of pitch height difference on the accent of the sentence speaks in favor of a relative model of prosody, in which accents are scaled relative to each other, and against models in which pitch accents are scaled in an absolute way. The results also speak for a model in which syntax, but not information structure, influences the prosodic phrasing. Finally, perception experiments show that the prosodic structure of sentences with a marked word order needs to be presented for grammaticality judgments. Presentation of written material only is not enough, and falsifies the results

Focus and intonation in japanese : does focus trigger pitch reset?

This paper discusses how focus change s prosodic structure in Tokyo Japanese. It is generally believed that focus blocks the intonational process of downstep and causes a pitch reset. This paper presents experimental evidence against this traditional view by looking at the prosodic behavior of Wh words, which receive focus lexically in Japanese as in other languages. It is demonstrated, specifically, that the focused Wh element does not block downstep although it receives a much higher pitch than its preceding element. This suggests that presence of lexical focus does not trigger pitch reset in Japanese

Prosodic Focus Within and Across Languages

The fact that purely prosodic marking of focus may be weaker in some languages than in others, and that it varies in certain circumstances even within a single language, has not been commonly recognized. Therefore, this dissertation investigated whether and how purely prosodic marking of focus varies within and across languages. We conducted production and perception experiments using a paradigm of 10-digit phone-number strings in which the same material and discourse contexts were used in different languages. The results demonstrated that prosodic marking of focus varied across languages. Speakers of American English, Mandarin Chinese, and Standard French clearly modulated duration, pitch, and intensity to indicate the position of corrective focus. Listeners of these languages recognized the focus position with high accuracy. Conversely, speakers of Seoul Korean, South Kyungsang Korean, Tokyo Japanese, and Suzhou Wu produced a weak and ambiguous modulation by focus, resulting in a poor identification performance. This dissertation also revealed that prosodic marking of focus varied even within a single language. In Mandarin Chinese, a focused low/dipping tone (tone 3) received a relatively poor identification rate compared to other focused tones (about 77% vs. 91%). This lower identification performance was due to the smaller capacity of tone 3 for pitch range expansion and local dissimilatory effects around tone 3 focus. In Seoul Korean, prosodic marking of focus differed based on the tonal contrast (post-lexical low vs. high tones). The identification rate of high tones was twice as high than that of low tones (about 24% vs. 51%), the reason being that low tones had a smaller capacity for pitch range expansion than high tones. All things considered, this dissertation demonstrates that prosodic focus is not always expressed by concomitant increased duration, pitch, and intensity. Accordingly, purely prosodic marking of focus is neither completely universal nor automatic, but rather is expressed through the prosodic structure of each language. Since the striking difference in focus-marking success does not seem to be determined by any previously-described typological feature, this must be regarded as an indicator of a new typological dimension, or as a function of a new typological space

Prosodic description: An introduction for fieldworkers

This article provides an introductory tutorial on prosodic features such as tone and accent for researchers working on little-known languages. It specifically addresses the needs of non-specialists and thus does not presuppose knowledge of the phonetics and phonology of prosodic features. Instead, it intends to introduce the uninitiated reader to a field often shied away from because of its (in part real, but in part also just imagined) complexities. It consists of a concise overview of the basic phonetic phenomena (section 2) and the major categories and problems of their functional and phonological analysis (sections 3 and 4). Section 5 gives practical advice for documenting and analyzing prosodic features in the field.National Foreign Language Resource Cente

Accentuation in Southern and Central Kikaijima

National Institute for Japanese Language and LinguisticsFirst Published: August 15, 2011 (in Japanese

Balto-Slavic accentuation revisited

There is every reason to welcome the revised edition (2009) of Thomas Olander’s dissertation (2006), which I have criticized elsewhere (2006). The book is very well written and the author has a broad command of the scholarly literature. I have not found any mistakes in Olander’s rendering of other people’s views. This makes the book especially useful as an introduction to the subject. It must be hoped that the easy access to a complex set of problems which this book offers will have a stimulating effect on the study of Balto-Slavic accentology

Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages.

Es fotocopi

Intonation in Luo

This thesis investigates the intonation of Luo. It shows how intonation distinguishes sentences. It also investigates how information structure (i.e. focus, dislocations and topics) is intonationally cued in a sentence. The aim is to establish the phonological and phonetic representation of Luo intonation by examining the factors that contribute to the observed F0 contours. Data were collected in Rorya and Tarime districts in Tanzania, where Luo is predominantly spoken. The materials designed comprise of scripted Luo sentences, Swahili sentences to be translated into Luo and picture-based tasks. The analysis is based on the Auto-segmental metrical theory which maps phonological elements to continuous acoustic parameters (Ladd, 1996, 2008). It is found that Luo is a tone-terracing language with four lexical tones: High, Low, Falling and Rising. The observed downtrends are downstep, declination and final lowering. Downstep is the most significant process, contrasting automatic and non-automatic downstep. The latter has no evidence of floating L and thus attributed to right edge boundary effect. Declination is observed in all-High and all-Low tone sequences, as a phonetic effect. Final lowering is also observed as a final effect in both declaratives and questions. Downstep is also a final effect triggered by a boundary L%. Questions are produced with Pitch Range Expansion triggered by a left edge -H intonational tone. There is no prominence on focused constituents but focus constructions are produced with a higher register. Luo dislocations are asymmetrical, with right dislocations phrased with the main clause while left dislocations are phrased separately from the main clause. Complex clauses, except complementizer clauses, are recursive