The UK and the Arctic: Forward defence

The United Kingdom (UK) is not an Arctic state, but over the past decade its policies towards the region have developed in significant ways. Since 2013 the British Government has published two Arctic Policy Frameworks, setting out commitments to working cooperatively with the Arctic states and other stakeholders to ensure that as climate change occurs the region remains peaceful. In 2019, the Ministry of Defence (MOD) committed to publishing an Arctic Defence Strategy, that would “put the Arctic and the High North central to the security of the United Kingdom”. This article examines the evolution of UK defence interests in the Arctic, whilst also highlighting the emergence of a significant Scottish dimension in UK Arctic affairs.</div

RUSSIA’S CONTRADICTORY ARCTIC STRATEGIES: COOPERATION, CONFLICT, AND EVERYTHING IN-BETWEEN

Arctic lands and waters are continuing to thaw with each passing decade, and the increasing interest in the economic, strategic, and transit potential of the “High North” is shaping the region into an arena of rising competition. This thesis seeks to answer the following question: What do Russia’s ambitious economic ventures, military buildup, and increasingly aggressive posture in the Arctic indicate regarding its intentions in the region? To address this puzzle, the thesis examines three hypotheses, rooted in different interpretations of Russian behavior in the region. The first hypothesis reflects Moscow’s claims that its military buildup is purely defensive and aimed to protect Russian economic and security interests in the Arctic. The second hypothesis asserts that Russia is striving to push out other competitors and become the regional hegemon in the Arctic. The third proposition is that Moscow’s Arctic efforts are primarily geared to gain access to new resource rents and to distract Russia’s population from domestic grievances, advancing the ruling regime’s hold on power. Tracing Russian actions in the region, the thesis finds that its posture in the Arctic is most consistent with the third, regime preservation motive, which may make Moscow’s future behavior particularly volatile.Captain, United States Air ForceApproved for public release. Distribution is unlimited

Actic Law & Policy Year in Review: 2015

A review of significant legal developments affecting the Arctic, including treaties and other international agreements; actions by the U.S. Congress, President, and other federal agencies; developments from the European Union and ten foreign countries; and several international organizations. Also addressed are themes including arctic marine shipping; indigneous residents; marine resources; military activities; polar icebreakers; pollution prevention, response, and liability; and scientific research

TIM MARSHALL: PRISONERS OF GEOGRAPHY STUDY GUIDE, 2017

Study Guid

The ISCIP Analyst, Volume XIV, Issue 4

This repository item contains a single issue of The ISCIP Analyst, an analytical review journal published from 1996 to 2010 by the Boston University Institute for the Study of Conflict, Ideology, and Policy

Arctic Law & Policy Year in Review: 2017

According to the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s 2017 Arctic Report Card, while 2017 did not shatter as many records as 2016, the Arctic shows no sign of returning to the reliably frozen region it was decades ago. Arctic temperatures continue to increase at double the global rate. 2017 marked the end of the United States’ chairmanship of the Arctic Council and the beginning of another term for Finland. At the May 11, 2017 Fairbanks Ministerial hosted by Secretary of State Rex Tillerson–the first ministerial in which all eight member states were represented by their Foreign Ministers–the Arctic Council member states adopted the Fairbanks Declaration and the Agreement on Enhancing International Arctic Scientific Cooperation, the council’s third legally binding agreement. The purpose of the Agreement is “to enhance cooperation in Scientific Activities in order to increase effectiveness and efficiency in the development of scientific knowledge about the Arctic.” During its two-year chairmanship Finland intends to emphasize the implementation of the Paris Agreement on climate change and the UN sustainable development goals (SDGs) while working to strengthen Arctic cooperation and its continuity at the highest political level

Arctic Law & Policy Year in Review: 2014

A categorized review of major developments, with background information and current events

Arctic Law & Policy Year in Review: 2016

According to the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, with a boost by El Niño, 2016 set new records for global temperatures, capping three consecutive years of record global warming. In Alaska, for example, the average temperature was 31.9 degrees Fahrenheit — 5.9 degrees above the long-term average. The globally averaged sea surface temperature was the highest on record at 1.35° F above average. The globally averaged land surface temperature was also the highest on record at 2.57° F above average. The NOAA report records that in 2016 the Arctic experienced some of its highest air temperatures, least sea-ice (averaging just 3.92 million square miles) and earliest spring snow melt. 2016 was the first full year of the United States’ chairmanship of the Arctic Council. Significant achievements included coming to an agreement to enhance scientific cooperation in the Arctic (scheduled to become binding in 2017), completing the ratification process for an agreement on oil pollution preparedness and response, and finishing a five-year research project to release the Arctic Resilience Report. Finland will succeed the U.S. as chair in May 2017 and hopes to host a meeting between President Putin and President Trump at its first Arctic Council summit of its term

Russian Security Policy and Cooperation with the West

The West must find new ways to cooperate with Russia now that Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev have used its energy revenues to transform the country into a resurgent power and developed an assertive policy towards the West. The Russian Federation has come back to the international arena as a resurgent superpower thanks to its oil and gas revenues and the leadership of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev. An assertive Russian superpower has adopted a tough anti-Western stance in its external security policy against both NATO’s expansion towards the East and against the deployment of the US missile shield programme in Europe. The Kremlim has used energy as an instrument of power in the Ukraine and has employed military power in Georgia, and new documents, such as the 2003 Defence White Paper, the 2007 Overview of Foreign Policy, the 2008 Foreign Policy Concept and the 2009 National Security Strategy express a consistent line of thought in Putin and Medvedev’s foreign and security policy. This ARI reviews the developments in Russia’s foreign security policy,the continuity in the ideas and action of both Russian leaders, the challenges and opportunities of Russian-Western cooperation in Afghanistan and the energy security and military-operational issues that can be addressed through a bottom-up approach

The bear is awake: To what extent does Russia's security strategy challenge Norway’sinterests and optionsin the Arctic?

As a NATO member and a neighbour of what is debatably the most assertive great power of our time, Norway has increasingly experienced Russia’s assertive foreign and security policy pursuit in the Arctic. As a small nation, Norway is dependent on other states’ adherence to the international rules-based order and the collective defence obligation of the Western security alliance. However, due to Moscow’s perception of being under protracted attack by the West, Russia is increasingly using a whole-of-government approach in its foreign and security policy objectives towards Norway. Russia does this by employing its diplomatic, informational, military, and economical means to apply pressure on Norway in new ways aspart of its New Generation War strategy of cross-domain coercion to achieve its regional ends. This dissertation examines Russia’s ends, means and ways of its foreign and security policy related to Norway as a neighbour and NATO member. The research question that guides this examination is: ‘To what extent does Russia's security strategy challenge Norway’s interests and options in the Arctic?’ The dissertation has a literature-based approach to the research question by analysing and comparing primary sources such as Norwegian and Russian government policies, security strategies, reports, and statements. These sources are complemented by secondary non-governmental sources’ assessments of primary sources and ongoing international and regional security developments. The dissertation makes active use of news articles due to the media’s role as a mouthpiece for communicating Norwegian, and especially Russian, authorities’ interests. The dissertation finds that Russia is actively employing an NGW cross-domain coercion strategy to achieve its foreign and security policy objectives in relation to Norway, Overall, it is clear that Russia’s security strategy challenges Norwegian interests and options in the Arctic, however, not as much as Moscow would want