‘No Justice, No Peace’ : black radicalism and the atmospheres of the internal colony

Instead of thinking of ‘public order’ as the type of power that police deploy to manage disorder, this article suggests that we understand it as a set of background affects. The problem of analysing these affects is that (aside from moments of unrest) the majority of the populace is anaesthetised to them. Most people take the public feelings of calm predictability for granted. Crucially, however, the everyday management of public order does not anaesthetise everyone. It also produces ‘suspect populations’, who must remain attentive to its low background hum. This article focuses on the US ‘colony within’ literature, developed by civil rights and black nationalist traditions from the late 1960s. The article suggests that this internal colony analysis contains a nuanced exploration of the spatialised affects of public order; the clouds of suspicion; the atmospheres of tension; and the police encounters that generate an affective substrate of relations

No Justice, No Peace! : The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict

In the opening scene of the recently released film, Menace II Society, the protagonists, two young African-American men, make a routine beer run to a convenience store owned by a Korean-American couple. The merchants’ manifest suspiciousness toward them triggers an exchange of hostilities that concludes when one of the men kills and robs the couple. For audiences of all colors. this depiction of black-Korean conflict appears starkly familiar. Ranging from verbal altercations to killings, to retail boycotts and picketing campaigns, conflicts between Korean-American merchants and black customers, including African Caribbeans, have become commonplace in many major American cities over the past decade. Well before the highly publicized destruction of Korean-owned stores during the Los Angeles uprising of 1992, the mainstream media had chosen to spotlight black-Korean conflict as an emergent symbol of racial strife and urban decay in America

No Justice, No Peace: An Examination of the Protestor Experience

More than 95% of the protests that took place in the summer of 2020 were deemed peaceful. However, many of these protests ended with violent encounters with police officers (Major Cities Chiefs Association, 2020). The purpose of this research was to explore the experience of protestors in America. This study also sought to identify, if at all, the disparities present when deciding to use excessive force against protestors. The sample for this study included students from the University of Northern Colorado, who were 18 years of age or older, and have attended a protest in their lifetime. The final sample size for this study included a total of 53 qualifying students from the University of Northern Colorado. This quantitative study sought to contribute to the existing literature by expanding prior knowledge of protestors\u27 experience in America. This was done through the distribution of a 27-question survey which included both open and closed ended questions that sought to measure trauma experienced, altered perceptions, and possible disparities. To analyze and fully understand these experiences both a thematic content analysis and a t-test was conducted

Protest: A Teach-In

More than once in the last several years, Roger Williams\u27 waterfront campus has been the scene of peaceful, yet impactful dissent. Students have protested a lecture celebrating Christopher Columbus. They have gathered at the library to remember victims of the tragic shooting in Parkland, Florida and speak out against gun violence. They have laid down on campus concrete, signs with messages like, “We Can’t Breathe,” “No Justice, No Peace,” and “Black Lives Matter,” scattered amidst their chalk-outlined bodies

"No Justice, No Peace": Institutional Culture of Policing & Effects on Minority Groups in Canada

The institutional culture of policing and the use of controversial policing practices has largely contributed to the divide that exists between minority populations and the police in Canada. Surveys and data measuring the public’s perception of policing in Canada have demonstrated that there is a gap between minority populations and their confidence in the abilities of the policing agencies which serve and protect them. This research paper identifies how the institutional culture of policing and the continued use of controversial policing practices contributes to the tension that exists between these two groups. Specifically, it examines three controversial policing practices: predictive policing, street-checks and starlight tours and discusses how these practices further the mistrust and lack of faith that minority groups experience in interacting with Canadian policing institutions. Using a descriptive analysis of purposively selected literature, the results of this research suggest that the institutional culture of policing continues to perpetuate the use of these controversial policing practices through a unified, in-group solidarity mentality. These practices shape public perceptions of the police and contribute to the divide between minority populations and the police. Research results suggest that in order to improve the relationship between the public and the police, changes must be made internally at an institutional level. This includes integrating social services into law enforcement, reevaluating the use of controversial policing practices and addressing the “blue code of silence” that exists within policing agencies

Pedagogy, Protests, and Moving Toward Progress

Our world is in constant flux and educators are at the ship’s helm steering toward what former U.S. Representative John Lewis called “good trouble.” However, in many cases, educators lack the training required to be most effective in doing so. As instructors face student demands to address topics on race and social justice, many educators are unsure about how to respond appropriately to the chants of “No Justice, No Peace!” Thus, this essay explores humanistic and pragmatic approaches for doing so in terms of fostering cultural communication competence when incorporating topics on race and social justice issues in the classroom

“No Justice, No Peace”: Yard Signs as Public Pedagogy and Community Engagement at the Intersection of Public Health Crises

This paper examines yard signs as a site for public pedagogy that engages two concurrent, and comorbid, public health crises: the COVID-19 pandemic and racism. Specifically, I reflect on how yard signs responding to the George Floyd murder in my own Minneapolis neighborhood exist during a kairotic moment; as myself and my students are increasingly confined to our own homes, and as the boundaries between school and home are blurred, the public health crisis of racism and the specific community response of yard signs present opportunities for examining how these signs can act as entry points into difficult conversations among neighbors, classmates, and colleagues. While such signs are certainly examples of epideictic rhetoric, participating in either “praise or blame,” I suggest that communication teachers can frame them as public pedagogy that “strikes a harmony between learning through public engagement and understanding these public encounters in the space of the classroom” (Holmes, 2016). As such, they can act not only as artifacts of community belonging, but as artifacts to promote reflection, conversation, and inquiry

No Justice, No Peace: An Examination of the Conditions of the George Floyd Protests to Determine How to Facilitate Successful State Legislative Outcomes

This thesis examines the relationship between the conditions of the George Floyd protests from May to August of 2020 to the impact they had state on policing reforms within state legislatures. I examine protests in all 50 states and the District of Columbia, looking at those protests’ size, media coverage, and violence and compare that to the degree of policy change achieved within each state. I find that, contrary to expectations, protest size was not associated with policy change, but that the party control of the state government was a strong predictor of how states responded to protests. Within some state subgroups, the presence of violence and media coverage of violence had a statistically significant effect in shaping policy change. These findings help us understand what conditions are needed to create a successful protest