The Role of Civil Society in the Tunisian Transformation Process

Political transformation scholars identified a new object of research through the course of the so-called "Arab Spring" that began in 2010 - the democratization of Arab countries. However, Tunisia is the only country in which the transformation process resulted in a democratic political system with constitutional rights and free elections, achievements that remain to this day. This paper investigates the importance and role of civil society during the transformation process in Tunisia. Theoretically, this paper integrates a participative framework of civil society with a three-stage-model of democratic transformation, inspired by French philosopher Montesquieu. In the descriptive empirical section, events are summarized that took place between 2000 and 2017. In the subsequent sections, the paper frames events from this period in a historical and sociological context: from the Ottomans until the authoritarian ruler Ben Ali, thereby drawing special attention to the unique evolution of Tunisia’s civil society. The third empirical section investigates the powerful role of the civil society organization and national trade union center Union Générale des Travailleurs Tunisiens (UGTT). Through an interpretive case study, this master thesis demonstrates UGTT's important role throughout the democratic transformation process in Tunisia

Information and computer technology and the digital divide in the post-revolution Tunisia

The goal of this study is to better understand the dimensions of the digital divide in Tunisia in the context of the post-revolutionary phase. The significant role of information and communication technologies (ICT) during the revolution and in the post-revolution democracy process raises questions about the inclusiveness of the digital sphere to all Tunisian social groups and about the overall interactions with the ICT and their domestication into the Tunisian households. This study was designed to answer three main research questions: what are the implications of gender, age, and class for (1) ICT access and usage? (2) Attitudes towards ICT? And (3) ICT usage for political participation? An ethnographic semi-structured interview study was conducted in three neighborhoods of the city of Sousse in Tunisia over a two-week period of intensive field work, and was complemented by observations of the locals’ interactions with ICT during multiple visits to Tunisia. Respondents were recruited through snowball and convenience sampling. The study focused on those considered to be vulnerable social communities: women, the elderly, and socioeconomically disadvantaged Tunisians. The interview analysis revealed that demographic factors did not have a significant influence on the gaps between the users and non-users, except for age in certain instances. The concept of social capital made the difference and had a significant effect on balancing issues related to economic and cultural capitals. For most of the informants, social capital, mainly family and community members, played an integral role in domesticating the technologies and brokering techno-competencies to those without economic and educational means. On the other hand, perceived relevance and cultural values emerged as the most significant divide factors. This project makes a theoretical contribution to the literature about the digital divide by emphasizing the role of the cultural values and the social landscape in reducing or widening the gap between the connected and non-connected. This dissertation stresses on the importance of conducting more ethnographic research in small Arab world community contexts in order to reveal more culturally embedded factors that directly affect the interaction between the culture and information technologies.Radio-Television-Fil

Guardians of Religion: Islam, Nation, and Democratization in Post-Revolution Tunisia

Why do some democratic transitions succeed while others fail? While most explanations focus on macro-level and structural factors, such as economic growth or institutional reform, I suggest two related factors that should be systematically examined. First, if and how democratizing states and societies address questions of national identity and belonging (national reimagining), particularly with respect to collective memory, legal & institutional reform, and pluralization. Second, to what degree is there a broad societal consensus concerning these issues of national identity (national consolidation). Through the case of Tunisia (2010-14) I examine how Islam in particular is constitutive of Tunisian national identity and how the post-revolutionary process of democratization has affected and been affected by this relationship. In examining Islam and nationalism in the post-revolutionary period, I describe a period in which debates over national identity initially threatened to derail Tunisia’s democratization project with respect to addressing past grievances, reforming laws and the constitution, delaying elections, and nearly unseating Tunisia’s first democratically elected government. I argue that it was only the presence of a violent, existential threat to the state that allowed for a national reimagining and consolidation necessary to continuing the democratization process.PHDSociologyUniversity of Michigan, Horace H. Rackham School of Graduate Studieshttps://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/144137/1/elyyoung_1.pd

“Have Tunisian civil society organisations exhibited the civil political culture required to fulfil a democratic function through the post-2011 transition?”

This thesis asks whether the post-2011 transition has allowed Tunisian civil society to fulfil the democratic functions attributed to it by civil society and democratisation theorists. It uses an understanding of civil society as playing a democratising function through Oppositional-Resistance and Liberal-Associative roles, both of which rely on the existence of a civil political culture. The thesis examines the existence of a civil political culture, identified through the presence of the six criteria of Freedom, Equality, Pluralism, Tolerance, Trust, and Transparency. This thesis uses Welch’s theory of political culture, which recognises that political culture manifests as both discourse and practice. In order to understand civil society’s discourse and practice, Welch’s theory is developed into a methodology of three research methods, drawn from both positivist and interpretivist approaches of social science research. The role of civil society in the Tunisian transition is assessed in relation to its counterpart - the state. A triangulation of methods - a quantitative attitude survey, structured interviews, and ethnographic participant observation – examines inter-CSO relations, how CSOs interact with the state, and the internal CSO dynamics in addition to CSO institutional culture. This approach enables the assessment of the discourse and practice of civil society organisation (CSO) members’ political culture. The Tunisian case demonstrates the validity of the argument that the state must allow civil society sufficient public space to accomplish a democratic function. Simultaneously, civil society, in both Oppositional-Resistance and Liberal-Associative understandings, must exhibit civil political culture in order to fulfil a democratic function. It further demonstrates that only through a multifaceted research approach that addresses discourse and practice can political culture accurately be assessed. This thesis concludes that civility is developing in Tunisian civil society as CSO relationships with the state, other CSOs and its own members evolve, which has enabled CSOs to fulfil a democratic function

Tunisia's Postcolonial Identity Crisis: A Key to Understanding the Lure of Extremism

In Tunisia today - a country burdened by a weak economy and experiencing precarious security - the hotly debated question of Tunisian identity opens up a vacuum for radical groups to fill. Since its independence in 1956, Tunisia has been through three major historic chapters, each offering strikingly different views of Tunisian identity: the era of Habib Bourguiba (1957-1987), of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali (1987-2011), and the revolutionary period that began in 2011. While the dictatorships of Bourguiba and Ben Ali were characterized by a top-down approach and a repression of all opposition, the post-2011 period of democracy and freedom of speech has allowed Tunisians to conduct grass-roots discussions of what they identify with. Different identity cards have been played in the newly introduced electoral game, however, which makes defining what it means to be Tunisian a divisive practice indeed

Social Media & Revolution: The Importance of the Internet in Tunisia’s Uprising

Our world has entered a digital age, where technology has made leaps and bounds and is accelerating in development. With this digital age came the widespread use of the internet and the emergence of “social media”—online platforms for communicating with others. Though the initial use of these social media platforms was to stay connected with friends and family, a sect of users have used the platforms to share news and important information. In the past few years, people have come together to demand change in their countries by protest and eventually even revolution, all of which is said to have been enabled by social media which allowed people to connect in a way previously impossible. Social media has now become a topic of debate with its importance to these movements, with one side arguing that social media only leads to “slacktivism” while the other side argues that social media is essential to modern-day uprisings, networking, and activism. I will be utilizing this ISP as part of my undergraduate thesis, which will be on the relationship between the emergence/use of social media and the awareness/spread of human rights, as well as the reaction of governments to the utilization of social media. In the case of Tunisia, I wish to look at the revolution through the lens of human rights. The main question I would like to answer is: To what extent did social media influence the demand for human rights and uprising during, before, and after the revolution

The politics of protest in Tunisia: instrument in parties' competition vs. tool for participation

The compromise that was reached between the Tunisian Islamists of Ennahda and old regime players in the fall of 2013 made it possible to adopt a new constitution in early 2014, hold elections by the end of that year, and form a national unity government by February 2015. It also ended a period of intense confrontation in the streets, which had threatened to plunge the country into chaos and civil strife. Yet, protests are liable to rebound, as the parties that have formed the government lack a common vision that could reconcile their mutually hostile grassroots. They have also failed to stem demonstrations for social justice and equitable development in the country's deprived regions. Sustainable stabilization will require that political parties cease to perceive bottom-up mobilization as a tool they can deploy against adversaries, or as a security threat that needs to be contained. Rather, they should recognize its potential to broaden citizens' participation and be a corrective that can lead to more effective governance. (author's abstract

Moderating Islam in democratic openings: Ennahda and the Muslim Brotherhood

Egypt is considered by many to be in a state of paralysis today due to the culmination of events succeeding the 2011 revolution while Tunisia is perceived as significantly more successful in its democratic achievements. Despite the fact that Tunisia sustained an interim government for three years that was dispersed due to varying degrees of discontent within the Tunisian population, its progression has been much greater than that of Egypt which had similar internal issues. This thesis seeks to determine the reasons behind the consequences of Islamists ascension to political power in both Egypt and Tunisia since the Arab Spring. Various factors in the transitional period of both nations, including their historical backgrounds, the military involvement, economies, civil society, and Islamist parties will be important in examining the fates of both transition processes. The reactions towards various obstacles faced during the past three years can all help to explain the paths taken by Tunisia and Egypt

Trends in a tumultuous region: Middle East after the Arab Awakening

Two years after the start of the Arab uprisings, the Middle East remains as tumultuous as ever. Despite the uncertainty and flux, a number of emerging trends will influence the region in the post-revolutionary period and well into the future.The first trend is a marked uptick in sectarianism and sectarian violence. The second trend is a crisis within political Islam and a widening rift between secular and Islamist political forces. And the third trend is the gradual disengagement and declining influence of the US in the Middle East. This paper, by Lydia Khalil, looks at the road to revolution, the polarised politics of Islamists vs secularists, and sectarianism’s grip in the region. The events in Egypt and Syria illustrate the difficulties faced by policymakers around the world—options for intervention are limited. However, the international community continues to look for ways to encourage stability. Australia\u27s role is considered including its role on the United Nations Security Council, particularly when it comes to the Syrian crisis and dealing with Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Australia should do what it can to assist this desperate humanitarian situation and bolster the norm against chemical weapons use. It’s important to do so, not only as a reflection of Australian values, but also because Australia’s actions and involvements on the international stage in relation to Syria will also have an impact at home

The Historical Evolution of State Capacity and Its Effect on Democratization: a Case Study of Egypt

Why are some states able to democratize while others are not? This thesis examines the connection between state capacity and democratization utilizing a case study of Egypt and a controlled comparison with Tunisia. Via process tracing, I determine that Egypt has a deeply institutionalized, strong coercive state capacity and a weak administrative capacity. These iterations of state capacity developed during Egyptian state formation from 1805-1840 and were further institutionalized at two critical junctures: early British occupation from 1883-1907, and Nasser’s presidency from 1952-1967. Path dependency makes successful democratization unlikely because of the significant legacy left in Egypt during these critical junctures. The coercive apparatus benefits from authoritarianism and sees democracy as a threat to its immense political and economic power and influence. Due to lacking administrative capacity, bureaucratic workforce that could challenge the coercive institutions for state control is either corrupt, underprepared to overcome coercive institutions, or a combination of both. I illustrate these microprocesses through an analysis of the Egyptian Revolution in 2011 and the eventual coup that ended Egypt’s democratic experiment in 2013