Interviewer effects on the phonetic reduction of negative tags, innit?

This paper investigates interviewer effects on speakers’ use of full, reduced or coalesced variants of negative tags, e.g. it's a nice day, isn't it/int it/innit? Using a corpus of North East English containing interviews with a range of participants and interviewers, I examine whether speakers use more phonetically-reduced variants when interviewed by someone who is more familiar to them and speaks a variety of English more similar to their own. Quantitative variationist analysis reveals that these interviewer effects do have an impact on the variation and apply in addition to linguistic and social constraints. When speakers use more full variants, this is characteristic of either a more careful speech style or, in some contexts, so-called “foreigner-directed speech” both of which typically have less lenition and contraction than the vernacular. The findings of this study emphasise that through proper consideration of the effects that interviewers have on the data they collect, we can gain a more comprehensive, reliable interpretation of linguistic variation

Tradition et changement phonétique dans une variété de contact : l’anglais de Lewis et Harris

La variété d’anglais parlée dans les Hébrides extérieures s’apparente, sur les plans grammatical et lexical, au Standard Scottish English (SSE). Sur les plan phonétique et phonologique, en revanche, elle diffère profondément de cette variété standard, en grande partie en raison de l’influence et de l’interférence du gaélique écossais.À partir de deux corpus d’enregistrements de locuteurs des îles de Lewis et Harris et d’observations réalisées ces seize dernières années dans les Hébrides extérieures, cet article propose une description des traits segmentaux et suprasegmentaux les plus saillants de l’accent hébridéen traditionnel.Un examen des caractéristiques du parler de certains adolescents de Lewis et Harris indique que plusieurs changements sont en cours dans les Hébrides extérieures, que ceux-ci résultent de la diffusion d’innovations phonétiques isolées ou de la disparition progressive des variantes les plus marquée, connue sous le terme de nivellement dialectal. Ces changements semblent favorisés à a fois par le déclin du gaélique et par l’attitude négative de certains jeunes hébridéens à l’égard des valeurs traditionnelles de la communauté insulaire. A partir de données recueillies auprès des adolescents et d’observations informelles, nous tentons d’identifier certains des traits les plus significatifs qui caractérisent l’évolution de l’accent de Lewis et Harris en temps apparent.From a grammatical and lexical point of view, the variety of English spoken in the Outer Hebrides is akin to Standard Scottish English (SSE). From a phonetic and phonological point of view, however, it is absolutely distinctive, mainly because of the influence and interference of Scottish Gaelic.Based on two corpora composed of recordings of speakers from Lewis and Harris as well as on informal observations collected in the Outer Hebrides during the past sixteen years, this paper identifies and describes the most salient traits of traditional Hebridean accents, be they segmental or prosodic.A brief examination of the speech of Hebridean adolescents highlights several changes in progress. These are to be traced both from the diffusion of individual phonetic innovations and from the attrition of marked variants – a phenomenon known as dialect levelling. These changes seem to be facilitated both by the decline of the Gaelic language and by the rejection of the traditional Hebridean values by a number of young speakers. Using data collected from adolescents as well as informal observations, we try to identify some of the most prominent changes that affect the accents of Lewis and Harris in apparent time

Intonational variation in the North-West of England:The origins of a rising contour in Liverpool

This paper investigates intonation in the urban dialect of Liverpool, Scouse. Scouse is reported to be part of a group of dialects in the north of the UK where rising contours in declaratives are a traditional aspect of the dialect. This intonation is typologically unusual and has not been the subject of detailed previous research. Here, we present such an analysis in comparison to Manchester, a city less than 40 miles from Liverpool but with a noticeably different prosody. Our analysis confirms reports that rising contours are the most common realisation in Liverpool, specifically a low rise where final high pitch is not reached until the end of the phrase. Secondly, we consider the origin of declarative rises in Scouse with reference to the literature on new dialect formation. Our demographic analysis and review of previous work on relevant dialects suggests that declarative rises were not the majority variant when Scouse was formed but may have been adopted for facilitating communication in a diverse new community. We highlight this contribution of intonational data to research on phonological aspects of new dialect formation, which have largely considered segmental phonology or timing previously

Regional Variation in New Zealand English: the Taranaki Sing-Song Accent

Although lay people confidently assert the existence of regional varieties of New Zealand English, linguists have produced very little evidence to support such claims. There are vocabulary items special to, or favoured by, the people of Southland and the West Coast of the South Island; there are traces of non-prevocalic /r/in Southland and Otago; and there are regional differences in the playground language of New Zealand school children. Attempts to identify further differences between regions have generally not been successful. In most cases linguistic evidence has pointed to either social class or ethnic variation, but not to regional variation. Nevertheless, many New Zealanders assert that a Taranaki variety of New Zealand English exists. This study was designed to test the validity of the claim by comparing samples of New Zealand English from Taranaki with samples from Wellington. The Taranaki sample included speakers from New Plymouth (population 50,000) and the South Taranaki dairy farming community. The Wellington sample was drawn from the Greater Wellington region extending from Porirua in the north to suburbs on the southern coast of the city. Interviewees were located by the social network approach, otherwise known as the 'friend of a friend' approach advocated by Lesley Milroy (1980, 1987a). An index of rural orientation was devised to indicate the degree to which a speaker was oriented towards town or country. This proved helpful in distinguishing between genuinely regional differences, and rural versus urban differences. Factors of gender and age were also considered. It has been claimed that Taranaki English has a 'sing-song' quality, suggesting that an investigation of the intonation of Taranaki speakers would be worthwhile. Comparing features of the intonation of a Taranaki sample with a Wellington sample, this thesis attempts to isolate and measure what contributes to the 'sing-song' perception of Taranaki English. 'Singsong' in this context was taken to mean that the speaker had dynamic pitch; in other words their speech was characterised by a lot of movement up and down in pitch. Auditory analysis of speech samples was undertaken, and intonation features were derived from that analysis. Averaging the number of times a speaker changed pitch direction in each intonation group and then in each accent unit provided global measures of changes in pitch direction. Analysis of nuclear accents gave an indication of whether speakers favoured tunes which were characterised by pitch movement. And analysis of the manner in which accents were approached, whether with a boosted step up in pitch, or with a more standard onset, provided a narrower focus on the amount of pitch movement present. Results indicated that, in general, most Taranaki speakers in the sample showed more pitch dynamism than the Wellingtonians; for some features the males showed more pitch dynamism than the females; and, overall, the elderly speakers showed more pitch dynamism than the younger speakers. There were, however, important exceptions to these generalisations. Factors of Location, Gander and Age interacted significantly for all but one of the features examined and there were clear indications that intonational patterns are undergoing change in both regions studied. Explanations for the exceptional cases are explored in the thesis, and sociolinguistic, social network and geolinguistic theories provide possible clues as to the sources of the differences. Evidence of differences in the degree of pitch dynamism present in the intonation of the Taranaki and Wellington speakers supports claims about regional variation in New Zealand English intonation, but it does not in itself prove the existence of a uniquely Taranaki or a uniquely Wellington way of speaking English

Aspects of New Zealand English Intonation and Its Meanings: an Experimental Investigation of Forms and Contrasts

The first aim of this thesis was to examine the form of New Zealand English intonation. The results of the first series of experiments illustrated several distinctive features of NZE intonation and the preferential tonal use within this language variety. The results from the first experiment suggests that NZE intonation can be characterised as having a narrow pitch range within the phrase and a wide pitch range at the end of the phrase in relation to British English. The findings in the second analysis illustrate that tonal composition, not sentence type affects the pitch range that NZE speaker uses. In addition to pitch range preferences, NZE speakers were also found to prefer an H*L-L% nuclear tonal composition on statements and an L*L-H% for two types of questions when conversational cues were not required by the task type. The second aim of the thesis was to define the tonal features which may adequately describe the semantic contrasts used in this variety. Five experiments were carried out with this aim in mind. The results revealed that NZE listeners use the height of pitch target values when interpreting the meaning of intonation and that the heights of three tonal constituents would be useful in notating the semantic contrasts in this language variety. First, the pitch accent target is used in this variety to indicate speaker involvement, whereby higher (H*) or later (L+H*) pitch accent targets indicate a greater degree of involvement than lower (L*) or earlier targets (H*), respectively. This claim was supported by a production experiment (Chapter 5) in which speakers were asked to convey contrasting meanings on identical utterances. The results were such that higher and later pitch peaks were produced to convey concern, emphasis and an impressed attitude, while lower and earlier pitch accent peaks indicated an absence of these three meanings. Further support for this claim was provided in a perception experiment (Chapter 7), which investigated how listeners interpret conversational markers indicating discourse completeness. The results show that NZE listeners interpret higher H* targets as indicating speaker involvement and, subsequently, listener-oriented turn cues. However, a non-emphatic H*, or a high pitch accent which is lower in pitch than a preceding high pitch accent, does not convey such cues. Second, the boundary target is used to contrast continuation with high phrase-final targets and finality with low phrase-final targets in NZE. This assertion was supported by a perception experiment (Chapter 6) which examined categorical boundaries determined by the boundary tone height. The results suggest that there is at least one categorical boundary at the IP-Final position, which is marked by the pitch movement to the boundary target from the preceding H*. In addition, the semantic contrast of the boundary target height was illustrated in two experiments. First, a production experiment (Chapter 5) illustrated how NZE speakers indicate conversational continuation cues and concern with high boundaries whereas low boundaries indicated conversational cessation cues and a lack of concern. A separate perception experiment (Chapter 7) showed that NZE listeners interpret higher boundary targets as speaker continuation cues and listener-oriented speaking cues whereas lower boundary targets again indicated conversational cessation cues for the speaker and to the listener. Third, the phrase accent may prove useful in distinguishing a further semantic contrast used in this language variety, with a level pitch movement from H* to the IP-Final boundary target categorised with the H% stimuli (suggested in Chapter 6) while the distinction between H-L% and L-L% may be best defined as a pitch movement which does not fall to the F0 minimum and a movement which does fall to this low value (Chapter 5). Although the existence of a phrase accent could not be proved in this thesis, the results illustrate support for this tonal feature

Variation and change in English negation : a cross-dialectal perspective

PhD ThesisAlthough negation is a linguistic universal (Dahl 1979; Horn 2001: xiii), the ways in which it is expressed are highly variable within and across languages (Miestamo 2005; de Swart 2010: 245). This thesis focuses on this variation in English, using corpora of informal conversations recorded in Glasgow (Scotland), Tyneside (North East England) and Salford (North West England) to study three variables: 1. Not-/no-negation and negative concord e.g. I don’t have any money / I have no money / I don’t have no money 2. Non-quantificational never and didn’t e.g. I never saw / I didn’t see that programme last night 3. Negative tags e.g. It’s a nice day, isn’t it / int it / innit? This research aims to bridge the gap between two typically distinct sub-fields of linguistics: variationist sociolinguistics and formal linguistic theory. The investigation draws upon formal theory in (i) defining the linguistic variables and their contexts; (ii) generating hypotheses to test using the spoken data; and (iii) interpreting the results of the quantitative variationist analysis in a theoretically-informed manner. The analysis takes a comparative approach (Poplack & Tagliamonte 2001) to examine whether the factors conditioning negation are subject to regional differentiation. The results demonstrate that all three variables are most significantly constrained by internal factors such as verb type and lexical aspect. Although the relative frequency of variants always differs across geographical space, the underlying system is the same. Discourse-pragmatic factors apply consistently for the not/no/concord and never/didn’t variables, whereas the negative tags are more variable in this regard and are sensitive to social and situational factors. These different strands of evidence together provide support for particular theoretical accounts of how variants are derived from the grammar (not/no/concord) and how they have grammaticalised over time (never/didn’t and negative tags).financial support of the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) North East Doctoral Training Centre, including their funding for conference attendance and my period of study abroad at the University of Toronto