5 research outputs found
La lesboparentalité : subversion ou reproduction des normes?
Les familles lesboparentales sont rĂ©putĂ©es subversives en ce sens quâelles contestent la reprĂ©sentation classique de la famille voulant quâelle soit le fait dâun homme et dâune femme. Au QuĂ©bec, le dĂ©bat est prĂ©sent depuis leur reconnaissance lĂ©gale en 2002. Aux yeux de certaines personnes, la filiation homoparentale constituerait une dĂ©rive dangereuse pour lâordre social. Cependant, ces familles se situent-elles rĂ©ellement en marge des normes sociales? Cet article propose dâĂ©clairer le dĂ©bat Ă partir de donnĂ©es prĂ©liminaires recueillies auprĂšs de mĂšres lesbiennes avec donneur connu. Sous rĂ©serve de recherches ultĂ©rieures, ce terrain exploratoire a fait Ă©merger des pistes dâinterprĂ©tation trĂšs novatrices. Il est important dâen faire Ă©tat, car, une fois de plus, la construction des rapports sociaux intra- et extra-familiaux semble plus complexe que les discours souvent normatifs qui lâaccompagnent.Lesbian families do not correspond to the classical heterosexual representation of a family and are therefore often construed as subversive. In Quebec, this debate has been ongoing since the legalization of homosexual filiation in 2002. Conservative opponents of this law consider that it is dangerous for social order. But are lesbian families so subversive? The article addresses this issue and is based on preliminary data on lesbian mothers with a known donor. Although clearly necessitating further investigation, this exploratory fieldwork has let to new avenues of interpretation that differ from the public debate. Once more, social construction of new family forms seems much more complex than the normative discourses that surround it
Deux mĂšres, un donneur et des enfants : une reconfiguration des rĂŽles familiaux?
Il est convenu de dire que la famille dâaujourdâhui se construit de multiples façons. Les familles recomposĂ©es, issues des nouvelles technologies de la reproduction, de lâadoption internationale ou dont les parents sont de mĂȘme sexe font partie du paysage depuis de nombreuses annĂ©es, au point oĂč elles nâĂ©tonnent plus. Ces familles ont comme particularitĂ© de remettre en question lâadĂ©quation entre la sexualitĂ© du couple et la reproduction tout en introduisant dâautres personnes dans la conception ou dans lâĂ©ducation des enfants. MalgrĂ© la polymorphie des familles contemporaines, perdure toutefois une certaine reprĂ©sentation de la famille basĂ©e sur le sang partagĂ© entre les diffĂ©rents membres qui la composent. En ce sens, les « vrais » parents sont ceux qui sont Ă lâorigine de la naissance de lâenfant (DĂ©chaux, 2007; DeliĂšge, 2005). ParallĂšlement Ă cela, on constate lâĂ©mergence dâun discours centrĂ© sur lâimportance du pĂšre pour le dĂ©veloppement et le bien-ĂȘtre de lâenfant, au point oĂč lâabsence du pĂšre au sein du foyer familial tend de plus en plus Ă ĂȘtre conceptualisĂ©e comme un problĂšme social majeur (Kelly, 2009). De fait, les recherches dĂ©montrent que lâengagement paternel profite autant aux enfants quâau pĂšre et Ă la mĂšre. Câest dans ce contexte que sâinscrivent les familles lesboparentales dont les enfants sont nĂ©s dâun donneur connu. Cette thĂšse a comme objectif de comprendre le rĂŽle du donneur au sein des familles lesboparentales, Ă savoir la place que lui font les mĂšres dans leur projet parental. Nous cherchons Ă©galement Ă comprendre comment ce rĂŽle sâactualise. Pour ce faire, nous avons interrogĂ© neuf (9) couples lesbiens et les neuf (9) donneurs Ă lâorigine de leur projet parental. Les rĂ©sultats prĂ©sentent un niveau diffĂ©renciĂ© dâimplication des donneurs en fonction de la mise Ă distance ou de lâappropriation par les mĂšres du schĂ©ma nuclĂ©aire traditionnel.It is generally acknowledged that todayâs families come in a wide variety of forms. Reconstituted families, new reproductive technologies, international adoption and same-sex parents have become such a fixture in our social landscape that they are no longer surprising. The common characteristic of all these types of families is that they challenge the relationship between a coupleâs sexuality and reproduction by introducing other people into the process of conceiving or educating children. In spite of the diversity of contemporary family structures, however, a certain representation of the family persists based on the blood relationship between its various members: a childâs ârealâ parents are still considered to be his or her biological parents (DĂ©chaux, 2007; DeliĂšge, 2005; Fine, 2010). There is also an emerging discourse centred on the importance of the father in a childâs development and well-being, to the extent that the absence of a father in the family home is increasingly conceptualized as a major social problem (Kelly, 2008). Research shows that father involvement benefits children as well as their mother and father. Of particular interest in this context are lesbian-parented families whose children were conceived by a known donor. The objective of this thesis is to better understand the role of the donor in lesbian-parented familiesâwhat place the mothers allow the donor in their parenting project. To better understand how this role is currently evolving, we interviewed nine lesbian couples and the nine donors who participated in their parenting project. The results show that the donors are involved to varying degrees, depending on the extent to which the childâs mothers have adopted or distanced themselves from the traditional nuclear family model
La reconnaissance et la visibilitĂ© de lâhomoparentalitĂ© fĂ©minine en milieu rural
Ce mĂ©moire examine la reconnaissance sociale reçue par des mĂšres homoparentales vivant en milieu rural en se penchant notamment sur leurs sentiments de visibilitĂ© ou dâinvisibilitĂ© et sur le rapport quâelles entretiennent avec lâhĂ©tĂ©ronormativitĂ©. De plus, cette recherche sâinterroge sur lâexistence dâune spĂ©cificitĂ© rurale dans lâexpĂ©rience homoparentale vĂ©cue par ces mĂšres, en Ă©cho aux reprĂ©sentations communes de la ruralitĂ© comme un milieu homogĂšne oĂč rĂšgne une intolĂ©rance Ă la diversitĂ©. La mĂ©thodologie utilisĂ©e est de type qualitatif, basĂ©e sur des entretiens semi-directifs auprĂšs dâun Ă©chantillon de sept mĂšres de famille homoparentale rĂ©sidant dans une rĂ©gion qualifiĂ©e de rurale. Au terme de lâanalyse, il apparaĂźt que les participantes reçoivent prĂ©sentement une reconnaissance sociale qui, sans nĂ©cessairement ĂȘtre complĂšte, les satisfait. En effet, bien que leur statut de famille homoparentale ait parfois Ă©tĂ© lâobjet de regards ou de commentaires dĂ©sapprobateurs, ces expĂ©riences nĂ©gatives ne sont pas celles que les mĂšres retiennent. En rĂ©trospective, les participantes constatent la prĂ©pondĂ©rance, dans leur milieu social et familial, dâun soutien et de gestes bienveillants Ă lâĂ©gard de leur modĂšle familial. Il nâest pas rare que cette reconnaissance soit attribuĂ©e Ă la « normalitĂ© » de leur vie familiale, et donc Ă leur habilitĂ© Ă rendre visible lâimage dâune vie familiale « comme les autres ». Ainsi, le sentiment de reconnaissance est ancrĂ© dans une tension entre, dâune part, le dĂ©sir dâaffirmer la spĂ©cificitĂ© du modĂšle familial quâelles incarnent et, dâautre part, une rationalisation des regards normatifs de certains membres de lâentourage.This thesis examines the social recognition that same-sex mothers living in rural areas receive by focusing on their feelings of visibility or invisibility and on their relation to heteronormativity. Moreover, this research aims to question the existence of a rural specificity in the female experience of same-sex parenting, in response to common representations of rurality as a homogenous environment that is intolerant to diversity. The methodology is qualitative, based on semi-directive interviews with seven mothers of same-sex parent families residing in an area that is qualified as rural. Following the analysis, it appears that the participants currently receive a social recognition that, despite not necessarily being complete, satisfies them. In fact, although their status of same-sex parent family is, at times, the object of disapproving looks or comments, these negative experiences are not the ones that the mothers retain. In retrospect, the participants note the preponderance, in their social and familial environment, of support and care towards their family model. In several instances, this recognition is attributed to the ânormalityâ of their family life, and therefore to their ability to make visible the image of a family life that is âlike othersâ. Thereby, the feeling of recognition is rooted in a tension between, on one part, the desire to affirm the specificity of their family model and, on the other part, a rationalization of the normative looks from certain members of their social circles
RĂ©cits en mosaĂŻque : analyse intersectionnelle des discours identitaires de femmes qui exercent de la violence
La conceptualisation de la violence des femmes varie selon les approches thĂ©oriques Ă travers lesquelles elle est analysĂ©e. Cependant, cette problĂ©matique demeure souvent niĂ©e ou encore subordonnĂ©e Ă celle des hommes. En effet, une grande partie des Ă©tudes sur la violence des femmes escamotent leur capacitĂ© dâagir ou le fait quâelles peuvent accomplir des actes de violence dĂ©libĂ©rĂ©s. Ainsi, sans occulter le fait que les femmes occupent des positions socialement et historiquement minoritaires par rapport aux hommes, cette thĂšse souhaite aborder la violence des femmes dans une perspective critique. SpĂ©cifiquement, cette thĂšse sâintĂ©resse aux discours identitaires de femmes qui exercent de la violence dans la mesure oĂč cette derniĂšre dĂ©stabilise les idĂ©es reçues sur ce quâest ĂȘtre une «âvraieâ» femme et/ou une «âvraieâ» mĂšre. En effet, les attentes de genre exigent encore des femmes quâelles incarnent des figures de docilitĂ©, de douceur, de patience, de disponibilitĂ©, dâempathie et de don de soi. Les diffĂ©rentes formes de violence (verbale, physique et psychologique) quâelles exercent envers diverses cibles (ex. conjoint.e, enfants, parents, ami.e.s, inconnu.e.s, animaux, elle-mĂȘme), viennent rompre ces attentes de genre et peuvent questionner les façons dont ces femmes se perçoivent et se construisent en tant que femmes et mĂšres alors quâelles se positionnent, du moins partiellement, en rupture avec ces attentes de genre.
Ainsi, Ă partir de trente-quatre entretiens semi-dirigĂ©s auprĂšs de femmes qui reconnaissent exercer de la violence, nous avons cherchĂ© Ă comprendre comment elles articulent et nĂ©gocient leur identitĂ© de genre notamment en lien avec leurs comportements violents. De plus, inscrivant cette recherche dans une perspective fĂ©ministe intersectionnelle, laquelle trouve ses assises thĂ©oriques et Ă©pistĂ©mologiques dans le fĂ©minisme africain-amĂ©ricain, nous avons cherchĂ© Ă comprendre comment leur identitĂ© de genre Ă©tait modulĂ©e par dâautres axes de structuration sociale, tels que la maternitĂ©, lâethnicitĂ©, la classe, lâĂ©ducation, la sexualitĂ©, la santĂ©, etc. Cette lentille analytique a permis de rendre compte de la complexitĂ© et de la multiplicitĂ© des discours identitaires de ces femmes, en soulignant notamment les situations de privilĂšges et dâoppressions quâelles peuvent occuper selon diffĂ©rents contextes. Des rĂ©sultats illustrant lâimpact de la pauvretĂ©, des diagnostics de problĂšmes de santĂ© mentale, ainsi que de lâintĂ©riorisation des rĂŽles traditionnels de genre et de maternitĂ© ont Ă©tĂ© soulevĂ©s et marquent leurs discours identitaires. Finalement, en plus de contribuer au dĂ©veloppement des donnĂ©es sur la violence exercĂ©e par les femmes dans une perspective fĂ©ministe intersectionnelle, cette thĂšse a soulevĂ© des questionnements quant au caractĂšre fluide et variable de lâidentitĂ© de genre ainsi que des positionnements complexes et parfois en tension dans lesquels se situent ces femmes et des engrenages systĂ©miques qui les oppressent potentiellement.The conceptualization of womenâs violence varies according to the theoretical approaches through which it is analyzed. However, this problem is often denied or subordinated to men. Indeed, much of the literature on womenâs violence, invisibilise their ability to act or the fact that they can exert deliberate acts of violence. Thus, without denying the fact that women occupy socially and historically minority positions in relation to men, this thesis wishes to address womenâs violence in a critical perspective. Specifically, this thesis focuses on the identity discourses of women who exert violence since it destabilizes the social conceptions about what is a ârealâ woman and / or a ârealâ mother should be. Gender expectations still require women to embody figures of docility, gentleness, patience, availability, empathy and self-sacrifice. The different forms of violence (verbal, physical and psychological) that they express towards various targets (eg. spouse, children, parents, friends, strangers, animals, themselves), break these expectations of gender and can question the ways in which women perceive and construct themselves as women and mothers as they position themselves, at least partially, at odds with these gender expectations.
Thus, from thirty-four semi-directed interviews with women offenders, we sought to understand how they articulate and negotiate their gender identity, particularly in relation to their violent behaviour. Moreover, inscribing this research in an intersectional feminist perspective, which finds its theoretical and epistemological foundations in African-American feminism, we sought to understand how their gender identity was modulated by other axes of social structuring, such as maternity, ethnicity, class, education, sexuality, health, etc. This analytical lens has made it possible to account for the complexity and the multiplicity of the identities discourses of these women, highlighting in particular the situations of privileges and oppression that they can occupy according to different contexts. Results illustrating the impact of poverty, diagnoses of mental health problems, as well as the internalization of traditional gender and maternity roles have been raised and mark their identity discourse. Finally, in addition to contributing to the development of data on violence perpetrated by women in an intersectional feminist perspective, this thesis raised questions about the fluid and variable nature of gender identity as well as the complex and sometimes tense positions in which these women stand as well as the systemic mechanism and structures that oppress them as women
MĂ©diation procrĂ©ative et maternitĂ©s assistĂ©es : vers une approche relationnelle et pragmatique de la gestation pour autrui et du don dâovules au Canada
CONTEXTE. Bien que les diffĂ©rentes composantes de la maternitĂ© coĂŻncident et sâincarnent en une seule et mĂȘme femme dans la vaste majoritĂ© des cas, les pratiques de gestation pour autrui (GPA) et de don dâovules viennent bouleverser cette vision unifiĂ©e de « la » mĂšre, conviant jusquâĂ trois femmes dans une triade dâenfantement inĂ©dite : une mĂšre dâintention, une femme porteuse et une donneuse dâovules. La thĂšse vise Ă mieux comprendre la construction du rapport Ă la maternitĂ© chez ces femmes, dans un contexte oĂč leur parole est occultĂ©e du dĂ©bat entourant la rĂ©gulation de ces pratiques. Trois objectifs guident la dĂ©marche de recherche : 1) comprendre la maniĂšre dont les femmes se reprĂ©sentent leur apport respectif dans le projet parental; 2) identifier les stratĂ©gies dâappropriation et de mises Ă distance de la maternitĂ© dĂ©ployĂ©es par ces femmes, ainsi que les facteurs personnels, sociaux et normatifs qui favorisent ou inhibent leur Ă©mergence et 3) mettre en lumiĂšre la dimension relationnelle du processus dâenfantement.
CADRE CONCEPTUEL. Les trois composantes des maternitĂ©s assistĂ©es (intention, gĂ©nĂ©tique et gestation) constituent le socle dâun arrimage conceptuel Ă©laborĂ© pour alimenter lâanalyse, auquel sâajoutent trois axes de structuration sociale. La premiĂšre composante renvoie Ă la formulation du projet parental de dĂ©part et la prise en charge de lâenfant aprĂšs sa naissance, la deuxiĂšme Ă©voque le gamĂšte et la transmission des gĂšnes, tandis que la troisiĂšme symbolise la grossesse et lâaccouchement. Les normes du systĂšme de parentĂ© euroamĂ©ricain et les pressions exercĂ©es par lâinstitution de la maternitĂ© influencent la dĂ©finition et lâamĂ©nagement des liens en soulevant plusieurs prĂ©occupations, dont la quĂȘte de la « vraie » mĂšre comme figure unique et exclusive, et lâimage idĂ©alisĂ©e de la « bonne » mĂšre dotĂ©e de qualitĂ©s fĂ©minines valorisĂ©es. La stratification de la reproduction rĂ©vĂšle quant Ă elle les rapports de pouvoir qui prennent appui sur la hiĂ©rarchisation des positions sociales occupĂ©es par les femmes concernĂ©es.
CADRE MĂTHODOLOGIQUE. La mĂ©thodologie de la thĂ©orisation enracinĂ©e (MTE) dâorientation constructiviste a Ă©tĂ© retenue pour la recherche. Les donnĂ©es qualitatives ont Ă©tĂ© recueillies en deux vagues de recrutement dans une visĂ©e dâĂ©chantillonnage thĂ©orique, afin de favoriser lâĂ©mergence de catĂ©gories conceptuelles au fil dâun raisonnement analytique abductif. Quarante-cinq entrevues individuelles et semi-dirigĂ©es ont Ă©tĂ© rĂ©alisĂ©es au Canada auprĂšs de trente-huit participantes (n = 38), soit treize mĂšres dâintention, quinze femmes porteuses et dix donneuses dâovules. Les entrevues ont Ă©tĂ© retranscrites intĂ©gralement, puis codĂ©es selon un processus continu de thĂ©orisation.
RĂSULTATS. Le processus dâenfantement correspond Ă une mise en relation qui se construit au fil de quatre mouvements : sâengager, nĂ©gocier, mettre en pratique et raconter. Le premier mouvement Ă©voque les trajectoires des femmes concernĂ©es qui convergent vers un projet commun. La trajectoire des femmes stĂ©riles ou infertiles est motivĂ©e par le dĂ©sir dâaccĂ©der Ă la maternitĂ© ou de permettre Ă leur conjoint de devenir pĂšre, tandis que celle des femmes porteuses et des donneuses dâovules dĂ©coulent dâune mosaĂŻque de motifs. Leurs reprĂ©sentations de ce qui « fait » ou « ne fait pas » la mĂšre influencent les logiques discursives des femmes et orientent subsĂ©quemment leurs comportements et leurs pratiques.
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Le deuxiĂšme mouvement reprĂ©sente le point de rencontre entre les mĂšres dâintention et les tierces reproductrices au sein de lâune des trois filiĂšres dâaccĂšs Ă la procrĂ©ation assistĂ©e par autrui : la famille et lâentourage, les intermĂ©diaires privĂ©s ou les rĂ©seaux socionumĂ©riques. Les femmes naviguent Ă travers les cadres normatifs du droit, de la mĂ©decine et de lâĂtat, chacun gĂ©nĂ©rant des rĂ©gulations qui teintent lâissue de la nĂ©gociation et embrouillent leur facultĂ© Ă consentir de maniĂšre Ă©clairĂ©e.
Le troisiĂšme mouvement correspondant Ă la mise en pratique de la GPA et du don dâovules. Dâun cĂŽtĂ©, les femmes concernĂ©es ritualisent la grossesse et lâaccouchement pour faire face Ă lâincertitude maintenue par le flou juridique actuel entourant la GPA. De lâautre, le don dâovules correspond Ă une expĂ©rience corporelle « Ă relais » qui provoque la permutation du gamĂšte fĂ©minin en maternitĂ© incarnĂ©e : la prĂ©paration et lâextraction des ovules du corps de la donneuse, puis lâimplantation de lâembryon et la gestation du fĆtus dans celui de la receveuse.
Le quatriĂšme mouvement tĂ©moigne de la mise en rĂ©cit des origines, oĂč chaque protagoniste trouve sa place dans lâhistoire de la genĂšse familiale. Cette construction narrative sâenracine dans trois conceptions des maternitĂ©s assistĂ©es (maternitĂ© exclusive, maternitĂ©s sĂ©quentielles et maternitĂ© honoraire), lesquelles orientent lâannonce Ă lâenfant des circonstances entourant sa conception, ainsi que le type de liens nouĂ©s entre lâensemble des personnes concernĂ©es, incluant les partenaires de vie, les enfants et les grands-parents.
RETOMBĂES. RĂ©unissant les quatre mouvements du processus dâenfantement dans un modĂšle intĂ©gratif, la « mĂ©diation procrĂ©ative » est un dispositif qui repose sur quatre fondements thĂ©oriques. Dâabord, elle implique un dĂ©coupage en sĂ©quences, lesquelles structurent le processus dâenfantement au fil du temps et des Ă©vĂ©nements. Ensuite, elle correspond Ă une approche de la proximitĂ©, puisque le processus se dĂ©roule au Canada et se caractĂ©rise par la similitude, et non la distance et la diffĂ©rence. Cette particularitĂ© permet aux femmes de crĂ©er une trame relationnelle qui consolide lâentente de procrĂ©ation assistĂ©e par autrui. La mĂ©diation procrĂ©ative se situe nĂ©anmoins au carrefour de rĂ©gulations qui embrouillent la facultĂ© Ă consentir des femmes, entre la contractualisation des relations et la mĂ©dicalisation de lâenfantement. Enfin, la pluralitĂ© des expĂ©riences des femmes tĂ©moigne de tensions entre leur dĂ©sir de se conformer aux normes familiales et de genre pour Ă©chapper Ă la stigmatisation, mais aussi leur volontĂ© de rĂ©sister Ă ces mĂȘmes normes pour les transformer, et ainsi inscrire leurs trajectoires marginalisĂ©es au sein dâune diversitĂ© familiale reconnue et respectĂ©e.CONTEXT. Although the different components of maternity and motherhood coincide and are embodied in one woman in the vast majority of cases, surrogacy and egg donation disrupt this unified vision of âtheâ mother, calling for up to three women in an unprecedented birthing triad: an intended mother, a surrogate and an egg donor. The thesis aims to better understand how these women relate to maternity, in a context where their voice is hidden from the debate surrounding the regulation of these practices. Three objectives guide the research process: 1) to understand how women perceive their respective contributions in the parental project; 2) to identify the strategies deployed by these women to appropriate or distance themselves from maternity, as well as the personal, social and normative factors that promote or inhibit their emergence and 3) to highlight the relational dynamics of the birthing process.
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK. The three components of assisted maternity (intention, genetics and gestation) constitute the base of a conceptual framework built to feed the analysis, to which are added three axes of social structuring. The first component refers to the formulation of the parental project of origin and the care of the child after birth, the second refers to the gamete and the transmission of genes, while the third symbolizes pregnancy and childbirth. The kinship norms of western culture and the pressures exerted by the institution of motherhood influence the definition and management of relationships by raising several concerns, including the quest for the ârealâ mother as a unique and exclusive figure, and the idealized image of the âgoodâ mother with valued female qualities. Reproductive stratification reveals the power relations that are based on the hierarchy of social positions occupied by the women concerned.
METHODS. Constructivist grounded theory methodology has been retained for the research. Qualitative data were collected in two waves of recruitment with a theoretical sampling aim, in order to favor the emergence of conceptual categories through abductive reasoning. Forty-five individual and semi-structured interviews were conducted in Canada with thirty-eight participants (n = 38), including thirteen intended mothers, fifteen surrogates, and ten egg donors. The interviews were transcribed and coded according to a continuous process of theorization.
RESULTS. The birthing process is a relationship that is built through four movements: engaging, negotiating, putting into practice, and telling. The first movement (engaging) evokes the trajectories of the women who converge toward a common project. The trajectory of sterile or infertile women is motivated by the desire to access maternity or to allow their spouse to become a father, while that of surrogates and egg donors is derived from a mosaic of motives. Their depictions of what âmakesâ or âdoesnât makeâ a mother influence the discursive logic of women and subsequently guide their behavior and practices.
The second movement (negotiating) represents the meeting point between the intended mothers and third-party reproducers in one of the three channels of access to assisted human reproduction: family and friends, private intermediaries or social media networks. Women navigate through the normative frameworks of law, medicine and the state, each generating regulations that taint the outcome of negotiations and inhibit their ability to make informed decisions.
The third movement (putting into practice) correspond to the practice of surrogacy and egg donation. On the one hand, the women involved ritualize pregnancy and childbirth to cope with the current legal uncertainty regarding surrogacy. On the other hand, the egg donation corresponds to a ârelayâ body experience which causes the permutation of the female gamete into embodied maternity: the preparation and the extraction of the eggs from the donorâs body, then the implantation of the embryo and gestation of the fetus in that of the recipient.
The fourth movement (telling) testifies the narrative of the origins, where each protagonist finds its place in the history of the familyâs genesis. This narrative construction is rooted in three conceptions of assisted maternities (exclusive maternity, sequential maternities, and honorary maternity), which guide the announcement to the child of the circumstances surrounding his/her conception, as well as the type of bonds established between all the individuals involved, including life partners, children and grandparents.
IMPACTS. Bringing together the four movements of the birthing process into an integrative model, âreproductive mediationâ is a measure that rests on four theoretical foundations. First, it involves a division into sequences, which structure the birthing process over time and events. Secondly, it corresponds to a proximity approach, since the process takes place in Canada and is characterized by similarity, not distance and difference. This particularity allows women to create a relational framework that consolidates the assisted reproduction agreement. Nevertheless, between the contractualization of relations and the medicalization of childbirth, reproductive mediation is at a crossroads of regulations that hinders oneâs ability to consent. Finally, the plurality of womenâs experiences shows tensions between their desire to conform to family and gender norms to escape stigmatization, but also their willingness to resist and change these same norms, thus making their marginalized paths a part of an acknowledged and respected family diversity