DFAT indigenous peoples strategy 2015-2019: a framework for action

DFAT has developed a five-year Indigenous Peoples Strategy to align its work on issues affecting indigenous peoples across the foreign policy, aid, trade and corporate objectives for the department. Overview The Australian Government is committed to providing opportunities to assist indigenous peoples —both in Australia and overseas—to overcome social and economic disadvantages. Indigenous peoples make up only 5 per cent of the global population; however they make up 15 per cent of the world’s poor and about one-third of the world’s 900 million extremely poor rural people. Australia’s first peoples are one of the oldest continuous living cultures on Earth. The contribution of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to modern Australian society is an enormous part of what makes our country and who we are. The Australian Government is committed to better engagement with its Indigenous peoples to ensure policies and programmes improve their lives and opportunities across the country. Globally, Australia continues to be a strong advocate for the full and effective participation of indigenous peoples around the world in international matters which affect them. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) is committed to ensuring that indigenous peoples benefit from its work. Through a network of 95 overseas posts in 77 countries, and in partnership with government and non-government organisations, business and community groups in Australia and overseas, DFAT leads the Australian Government’s efforts to: advance Australia’s security interests internationally open up new markets and create conditions for increased trade and investment to strengthen Australia’s economy and to create jobs lift living standards and reduce poverty in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond shape the regional and international environment and strengthen global cooperation in ways that advance Australia’s interests project a positive and contemporary image of Australia as a destination for business, investment, tourism and study provide high-quality passport and consular services to Australian citizens. DFAT has developed a five-year Indigenous Peoples Strategy to align its work on issues affecting indigenous peoples across the foreign policy, aid, trade and corporate objectives for the department. The Indigenous Peoples Strategy provides a framework for DFAT to work with its partners to advance and promote the wellbeing of indigenous peoples around the world, in line with Australia’s national interest. DFAT will use the strategy to manage for positive results and continual improvement in its work on issues affecting indigenous peoples. DFAT will assess and disseminate lessons from its work to contribute towards evidence and debate about issues affecting indigenous peoples, both in Australia and overseas. The strategy will be guided by four pillars to achieve this vision: DFAT will work with its partners to influence international policy to advance the interests of indigenous peoples in the international community. DFAT will strive to deliver international programs that improve outcomes for indigenous peoples. DFAT will encourage Indigenous Australians to apply for DFAT-funded opportunities to engage in and develop people-to-people links with the international community. DFAT will ensure an inclusive workplace culture across the department. DFAT’s Indigenous Taskforce is responsible for monitoring the overall implementation of the Indigenous Peoples Strategy. DFAT will conduct a mid-term review of the strategy in 2017 and a final review in 2020

Strategic Concept for the Regulation of Arms Possession and Proliferation

In practice there is still a “piecemeal approach towards proliferation” and argued that a genuinely comprehensive and global approach to non-proliferation would involve the integration of policy “on nuclear and other WMD non- proliferation, arms control, and disarmament with strategy on conventional weapons to implement a holistic approach within a new Strategic Concept for the Regulation of Arms Possession and Proliferation. A major push is needed, not just to control the conventional weapons trade, but also to “reduce holdings of major weapons systems, ordnance stocks and production. There are longstanding legal commitment in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty to “general disarmament” of all weapons apart from those needed for internal policing. In terms of timescale, one could look at getting the job done in the course of a decade. If we have timetables for global warming, and if we think that it is practical to get to grips with the entire climate of the planet, we should also see that it is practical to get to grips with weaponry

From sanctions to summits: Belarus after the Ukraine crisis

Belarus is concerned by Russian actions in Ukraine and is trying to distance itself from Russia, including by not recognising the annexation of Crimea and calling for a peacekeeping mission. It is also suffering the effects of Russia’s economic downturn. President Lukashenka has taken steps to promote the Belarusian language and identity to counter Russian influence. But he is not moving towards greater engagement with the political opposition. The Ukraine crisis has reinforced the risk-averse instincts of the Belarusian people and reduced the likelihood of protests tied to elections scheduled for this year. Minsk is not likely to shift from its broadly proRussian orientation, but it has made tentative diplomatic overtures to the EU. The EU’s pro-democracy sanctions policy toward Belarus has failed to promote political reform and arguably pushed Belarus closer to Russia. Now the EU has to focus not just on fostering democracy but on strengthening Belarusian society, which will help European interests in the long term. The EU should aim to help Belarus with a modernised form of nation building, engaging with civil society, offering assistance on economic reform, lowering the visa barrier, promoting knowledge of the EU and countering Russian propaganda

Development for all 2015-2020: strategy for strengthening disability-inclusive development in Australia’s aid program

Disability-inclusive development is a priority for Australia’s international engagement. This strategy – Development for All 2015-2020: Strategy for strengthening disability-inclusive development in Australia’s aid program – responds to the agenda set out in DFAT’s development policy, and aims to promote improved quality of life of people with disabilities in developing countries. Ministerial foreword The Australian Government is committed to playing a leadership role internationally in disability-inclusive development to enable people with disabilities in developing countries to find pathways out of poverty and realise their full potential. Our development policy, Australian aid: promoting prosperity, reducing poverty, enhancing stability, confirms Australia’s commitment to expanding opportunities for people, businesses and communities as key to promoting economic growth and reducing poverty. It recognises that everyone is affected if the most disadvantaged people are left behind, and acknowledges that people with disabilities make up the largest and most disadvantaged minority in the world (comprising 1 in 7 of the global population). The Australian aid policy outlines our continuing commitment to including people with disabilities as participants in and beneficiaries of our aid program. Aid alone cannot solve development problems. Our partner governments need to lead in expanding opportunities for people with disabilities by developing and implementing strong policy and legislative frameworks and improving service delivery. And we recognise we need to tap into ideas from a wider range of sources, including the private sector, and leverage new kinds of partnerships. This new strategy—Development for All 2015–2020: Strategy for strengthening disability-inclusive development in Australia’s aid program—builds on experience in implementing the Australian Government’s first strategy for disability-inclusive development1, which helped establish Australia as a strong voice globally in this area. This strategy sets out how the Australian Government—in particular, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT)—will strengthen its impact in promoting disability-inclusive development beyond 2015, with a particular focus on our region, the Indo-Pacific. Australia’s international advocacy, diplomatic efforts, and aid program investments will continue to make a major contribution to improving the quality of life for people with disabilities in developing countries with the objective that our development efforts leave no one behind

Proposed Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Labor Issues

[Excerpt] This report examines three labor issues and arguments related to the pending U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement (CFTA): violence against trade unionists; impunity (accountability for or punishment of the perpetrators); and worker rights protections for Colombians. For general issues relating to the CFTA, see CRS Report RL34470, U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Economic and Political Implications, by M. Angeles Villarreal. For background on Colombia and its political situation and context for the agreement, see CRS Report RL32250, Colombia: Issues for Congress, by Colleen W. Cook and Clare Ribando Seelke. Opponents of the pending U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement (CFTA) argue against it on three points: (1) the high rate of violence against trade unionists in Colombia; (2) the lack of adequate punishment for the perpetrators of that violence; and (3) weak Colombian enforcement of International Labor Organization (ILO) core labor standards and labor laws. Proponents of the agreement argue primarily for the proposed Colombia FTA on the basis of economic and national security benefits. Accordingly, they argue, the CFTA would: support increased exports, expand economic growth, create jobs, and open up investment opportunities for the United States. They also argue that it would reinforce the rule of law and spread values of capitalism in Colombia, and anchor hemispheric stability. Proponents specifically respond to labor complaints of the opponents, that (1) violence against trade unionists has declined dramatically since President Álvaro Uribe took office in 2002; (2) substantial progress is being made on the impunity issue as the government has undertaken great efforts to find perpetrators and bring them to justice; and (3) the Colombian government is taking steps to improve conditions for workers. If Congress were to approve the Colombia FTA, it would be the second FTA (after Peru) to have some labor enforcement “teeth.” Labor provisions including the four basic ILO core labor standards would be enforceable through the same dispute settlement procedures as for all other provisions (i.e., primarily those for commercial interests.) Opponents argue that under CFTA, only the concepts of core labor standards, and not the details of the ILO conventions behind them, would be enforceable. Proponents point to recent Colombian progress in protecting workers on many fronts. They argue that approval of the FTA and the economic growth in Colombia that would result is the best way to protect Colombia’s trade unionists. They also argue that not passing the agreement would not resolve Colombia’s labor issues. Opponents argue that delaying approval of the proposed CFTA further would give Colombia more time to keep improving protections for its workers. This report will be updated as events warrant

Philippine Agriculture-- Its Position and Problems

The Philippines are essentially a nation of farmers. More than 70 percent of its people are directly engaged in agriculture

The Future Role of U.S. Trade Policy: An Overview

[Excerpt] The United States has become increasingly integrated with the rest of the world economy. This integration has offered benefits and presented challenges to U.S. business, agriculture, labor, and consumers. Those who can compete in the more integrated economy have enjoyed opportunities to broaden their success, while those who are challenged by increased foreign competition have been forced to adjust and some have exited the market or relocated overseas. Some observers contend that, in order to remain globally competitive, the United States must continue to support trade liberalization policies, while assisting those hurt by trade. Others have raised doubts over whether free trade policies benefit the U.S. economy (e.g., some blame such policies for the large U.S. trade deficit, declining wages, and growing income disparity). Many contend that trade liberalization works only when everyone plays by the rules and have urged the aggressive enforcement of U.S. trade laws to address unfair trade practices. Still others maintain that such issues as labor rights, the environment, and climate change should be linked to trade policies. These competing views are often reflected in the struggle between Congress and the Executive branch in shaping U.S. trade policy. This report provides an overview and background on the debate over the future course of U.S. trade policy and will be updated as events warrant