Discourse on rationality: rational choice and critical theory

The thesis contrasts two hostile and divergent intellectual paradigms in social sciences: rational choice and critical theory. Both rational choice and critical theory offer contrasting perspectives on the structures of social interaction. However, both critical theory and rational choice theory share overlapping concerns ie., both are preoccupied with determining what rational can mean in the realm of social and political interaction. In the case of rational choice paradigm, instrumental reason forms the cornerstone of the theoretical edifice. Ever since the publication of Jurgen Habermas' The lhemy qf Communicative Action Vol. / (1984) and Vol. II (1986) instrumental reason has come under severe attack. His critique anchors on a theory of communicative reason. What makes Habermas' work distinctive is that he does not regard instrumental reason as the single inevitable concomitant of modernity. Habermas sees in modernity an alternative way of conceptualising social interaction in terms of communication rather than strategy. So in a way, his work is a challenge to the defenders of modernity aiming to build a unified social science Jurgen Habermas advances the notion of communicative reason as the centerpiece of a social theory as opposed to instrumental reason. By providing a systematic grounding of the concept of reason in human language, he hopes to establish normative basis of critical theory. This model of reaching agreement or consent constitutes a process of dialogue in which reasons are exchanged between participants. This process is perceived to be a joint search for consensus. Such a dialogic concept of collective choice would necessarily work not with fixed preferences to be amalgamated (as rational choice theories do) but with preferences that are altered or modified as competing reasons are advanced in the course of discussion. In rational discussion, the only thing supposed to count is the power of better argument. Both rational choice and critical theory conceptualise politics in different ways. Rational choice theories critique democratic mechanisms failing to generate general will. Consequently, the political prescriptions offered are limited government or market. On the contrary, the political implications of Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy is anchored in the notion of liberal public sphere envisaging a cognitivist, rationalist vision in which discourse forms a critical normative basis for evaluating the political and moral principles

Strategic Voting and Social Networks

With the ever increasing ubiquity of social networks in our everyday lives, comes an increasing urgency for us to understand their impact on human behavior. Social networks quantify the ways in which we communicate with each other, and therefore shape the flow of information through the community. It is this same flow of information that we utilize to make sound, strategic decisions. This thesis focuses on one particular type of decisions: voting. When a community engages in voting, it is soliciting the opinions of its members, who present it in the form of a ballot. The community may then choose a course of action based on the submitted ballots. Individual voters, however, are under no obligation to submit sincere ballots that accurately reflects their opinions; they may instead submit a strategic ballot in hopes of affecting the election's outcome to their advantage. This thesis examines the interplay between social network structure and strategic voting behavior. In particular, we will explore how social network structure affects the flow of information through a population, and thereby affect the strategic behavior of voters, and ultimately, the outcomes of elections. We will begin by considering how network structure affects information propagation. This work builds upon the rich body of literature called opinion dynamics by proposing a model for skeptical agents --- agents that distrust other agents for holding opinions that differ too wildly from their own. We show that network structure is one of several factors that affects the degree of penetration that radical opinions can achieve through the community. Next, we propose a model for strategic voting in social networks, where voters are self-interested and rational, but may only use the limited information available through their social network contacts to formulate strategic ballots. In particular, we study the ``Echo Chamber Effect'', the tendency for humans to favor connections with similar people, and show that it leads to the election of less suitable candidates. We also extend this voter model by using boundedly-rational heuristics to scale up our simulations to larger populations. We propose a general framework for voting agents embedded in social networks, and show that our heuristic models can demonstrate a variation of the ``Micromega Law'' which relates the popularity of smaller parties to the size of the population. Finally, we examine another avenue for strategic behavior: choosing when to cast your vote. We propose a type of voting mechanism called ``Sticker Voting'', where voters cast ballots by placing stickers on their favored alternatives, thereby publicly and irrevocably declaring their support. We present a complete analysis of several simple instances of the Sticker Voting game and discuss how our results reflect human voting behavior

Selfhood, Historical Consciousness, and the State in International Relations Theory

This work seeks to examine the role of the state in international relations. While international relations treat states as institutions endowed with agency, they lack any means of explaining how the state can gain agency, autonomy, and rationality. My dissertation seeks to reorient the theoretical assumptions of international relations in two ways. I develop a theory of the of the state that seeks to explain the mechanisms by which individuals are able to form collective social institutions and to endow them with authority and agency. I examine the relationship of the individuals to collective bodies such as states that can account for how human beings are able to forge communities, and a theory which has the ability to explain how these collective representations are endowed with authority and agency. I then seek to incorporate these views of human sociality, community, and the state in international relations. I do this by re-engaging with the classical foundations of the field. Specifically, I seek to integrate a more comprehensive account of both the state and international relations beyond a limited reading of Thucydides\u27 Peloponnesian War. By engaging with the works of Aristotle, Plato, and Herodotus, I show how these theorists had a very sophisticated view both of the state and the international system. If we examine their arguments closely, the field of international relations can find a more comprehensive theoretical and historical foundation. Instead, to date, the field has simply utilized social contractarian and utilitarian-rationalist models of individual rationality to describe states in an anarchic system. The \u27state\u27 of nature serves as the central metaphor of the social sciences since it believes that its models require the articulation of rationality in the form of a presocial egoist. The model of the presocial individual, formed in anarchy, becomes the basis of political theories\u27 rationalist accounts of the formation of states. For international relations, the anarchy of the international system is defined by the absence of governmental structure to regulate the behavior of states. The same explanatory assumptions and methods are used to explain the behavior of individuals and states. The collapsing of social institutions like the state with models of individuals is deeply problematic and limits the ability of the field to develop its own theoretical approach to interstate relations. For international relations to grow as a discipline, it must recognize the basic social and cultural nature of man. International relations requires a theory that can explain the relationship of the individual to collective bodies such as states, that can account for how human beings are able to forge communities, and which has the ability to explain how these collective representations are endowed with authority and agency. In other words, it must explain the ways social institutions are formed and operate, how they gain their own autonomy, and their forms of collective rationality. To explain the ways that human beings realize and maintain their social world, however, requires revising the foundational assumptions of political theory at work today. My dissertation seeks to do so by confronting the problem of anarchy and the \u27state of nature\u27 directly. Specifically, by drawing on the insights from anthropology, evolutionary biology, and cognitive psychology, I examine the evolution of human sociality within hunter-gatherer bands which are structured as egalitarian and cooperative communities without need for coercive mechanisms of enforcement. Working from traditional political theory and international relations theory, I seek to find a better theoretical account of the nature of the state and to explain how the state gains agency in ways that help expand the theoretical foundations of international relations. My dissertation does this in two ways. First, I develop a cognitive theory of community by tracing the evolutionary development of our species and seeking to identify the cognitive and emotional mechanisms that allowed for the emergence of human collective agency through the unit character of human selfhood, empathy, and collective rationality. I speculate about how aspects of these faculties allow them to be scalable from hunter-gatherer bands to larger forms of affiliation, giving humans the capacity to deploy \u27we-feeling\u27, to articulate a common set of interests, from the nation state to religious communities. The cognitive theory of the state is grounded in an evolutionary study that seeks to identify the symbolic normative representations that have allowed for collective action as well as for collective identity in group solidarity. A cognitive theory of the state provides a scientifically grounded explanation for the emergence of a distinct realm of social ontology among humans. This has allowed for the development of collective agency. I draw out the implications of this approach to international relations by seeking to integrate a more comprehensive view of the state and community in international relations. I engage with Greek political theory. I link the study of human sociality and the state to the Greeks, specifically seeking how Herodotus and Plato can help us develop more comprehensive theoretical approaches to international relations. Lastly, I examine the ways that human communities have become closely linked to the territorial state and the potential implications of neoliberal globalization for the relationship of governmental structures and communal organizations

Theories of referendum and the analysis of agenda-setting.

The referendum is often considered to be a form of direct democracy, and is often justified in terms of results representing the will of the majority. This view is disputable for three reasons: i) based on the results of social choice theory, it may be argued that the outcomes of referendums may be arbitrary and open to various interpretations; ii) it is debatable what the role of popular majorities should be in decision-making; many theorists of democracy think that unchecked majority rule should not prevail; iii) because of the differences in agenda-setting, there is considerable functional variation between referendums. Different forms of referendums have also been justified by different theoretical arguments: popular initiatives have been promoted by radical democrats, whereas referendums used as a check on legislature have been supported by 'Madisonian' democrats. In the analysis of agenda-setting it is important to distinguish i) how and by whom the referendum is initiated and ii) on what kind of issues they may be held. The influence of the referendum on the political agenda depends on whether the referendum is initiated by representatives (ad hoc or optional referendum); or by a certain number of citizens (popular initiative); or whether it is a check on laws passed by the parliament (mandatory, suspensive and abrogative referendums). Furthermore, these distinctions are important for understanding the strategic character of referendums, i.e. the strategic use of optional referendums by the representatives (parliamentary parties, president etc.), or the representatives' anticipation and reaction to the possibility of the other forms of referendums. Referendum in 22 democracies are classified, and their 'functional properties' (Smith 1976) are analysed. In order to get a more precise picture on how referendums function as a part of political systems and how political actors use the referendum, three cases, Sweden, Denmark and Switzerland, are analysed. Although the idea of giving the people a say is the common element of all forms of referendums, the differences between agenda-setting institutions explain why, how and under whose control 'the people's voice' is heard

COALITIONS IN ENGLISH LOCAL GOVERNMENT: PARTY POLITICAL STRATEGIES IN HUNG COUNCILS

This work takes a multi-method approach to the study of hung English councils. Insights and suppositions from a variety of approaches are utilised, including formal coalition theory and case studies of local authorities. A major aim of the thesis is to analyse questionnaire and case study data which will further improve our understanding of coalitional activity. Although the primary purpose is to inform the student of hung councils, formal coalition theories are also tested. This study provides the first clear evidence that elected political elites lose power to the body of councillors in most hung councils. However, the power of the bureaucratic elite, unlike their political counterparts, appears to remain relatively constant. Contrary to previous proposals, decision making is not characterised by uncertainty and confusion; a learning process takes place in hung councils, and the views of participants become more favourable over time. The influence of the centre party is a recurring theme of the study. Whether payoffs are office or policy, the Liberal Democrats are the primary beneficiary in hung English councils. Their commitment to a more open form of decision making and willingness to bargain with other parties may be contributing reasons for their success, but it is their ideological position in the middle of the two main parties which is offered as the primary reason for the influence they wield. None of the formal theories of coalition formation and duration perform well in predictive terms. Overall, the most accurate prediction of administrative formation would posit a minority administration formed by the largest party group, although majority coalitions are becoming more prevalent. Contrary to expectations, minority administrations are also more durable than coalitions. The large number of minority administrations demonstrates that not all politicians are 'office-driven', and that policy pay-offs are crucial. Policy closeness appears to be a greater influence on duration than either ideological connectedness or coalition size.UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, GALWA

PSA 2018

These preprints were automatically compiled into a PDF from the collection of papers deposited in PhilSci-Archive in conjunction with the PSA 2018

Exit and voice: papers from a revisionist public choice perspective

This thesis by papers uses rational choice theory to consider the relative performance of individual exit and collective voice in politics, as well as the causal relationships between exit and voice as individual strategies and institutionalised means of controlling government behaviour. Following the methodological approach of Geoffrey Brennan and Alan Hamlin, the papers of this thesis are examples of ‘revisionist public choice theory,’ retaining the broad framework of rational choice while relaxing one or more of the standard assumptions generally made by economists. In particular, the papers of this thesis consider otherregarding preferences, non-instrumental preferences, dispositional choice, epistemic rationality, non-efficiency evaluative standards, and non-equilibrium dynamics. By taking a revisionist approach, I am able to steer a path between the excessive abstraction of much public choice theory and the insufficient rigour of much normative political theory. Jointly, the papers of this thesis contribute to broad debates over the relative value of exit and voice in political settings, with relevance to questions of democracy versus the market, centralism versus localism, and bureaucracy versus market-like modes of governance. Though I cover a range of diverse topics in this thesis, I generally argue for a strongly revisionist approach to political analysis which sees significant behavioural differences between individual and collective decisions while grounding all action in common motivational assumptions

European Union: identity, diversity and integration

This publication also contains the papers of the PhD Candidates, National School of Political and Administrative Studies, Bucharest, Romania, beneficiaries of the “Doctoral Scholarships for a Sustainable Society”, project co-financed by the European Union through the European Social Fund, Sectoral Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007-2013. Contents: Mircea BRIE, István POLGÁR, Florentina CHIRODEA: Cultural Identity, Diversity and European Integration. Introductory Study. I. Identity and elements of anthropology in the European space - Roxana Maria DASCĂLU: Insights Into the Concept of European Identity; Horia MOAŞA: Voice and Silence in Relation to Identity; Andreea MOLOCEA: To See Things in Another Perspective: Feminist Influence in Epistemology, a New Way of Regarding Social and Political Science; Ileana SĂDEAN: Anthropological Representations of the Foreign Rural Development Model "Leader" in Romania. II. Education and communication - Ioana CIUCANU: Making Diversity Work in European Higher Education the Interplay Between Performance and Diversification; Mirela VLASCEANU: Impact of Quality-Based Funding in Romanian Higher Education: 1999-2010; Andra-Maria ROESCU: Studying Causal Inference in Political Science. The Case of Experiments; Paul PARASCHIVEI: Political Communication in Romania from a New Perspective: the Online Voter; Andreea Elena CÂRSTEA: Mass Media and the Reconfiguration of the Public Sphere. III. European Union zone: the institutional dimension - Bogdan BERCEANU: The Dimension of Emerging Institutions in the European Union Member States; Adina MARINCEA: Who are the Olympians? A Cross-Country Analysis of People’s Trust in the EU; Monica OPROIU: Case-Study in Third-Party Intervention: the EU Mediation in the Russia-Georgia War of August 2008; Vasile ROTARU: The Neo-Finlandization – a Theoretical Review. IV. European policies and management models - Vicenţia Georgiana DUŢESCU: Policy Cohesion of the European Union a Perspective on the Management Authority for the Sectoral Operational Programme on Transport 2007-2013; Maria-Magdalena RICHEA: Models of Human Resources Management in Nonprofit Sector Organizations; Anca-Adriana CUCU: Performance Management of Health Care System in Romania: Realities and Perspectives; Cristinela-Ionela VELICU: Cross-Border Mobility of Health Professionals: an Exploratory Study of Migration Flows and Retention Policies in the CEE Region. V. European zone: social demographic perspective - Dragos Lucian IVAN: As the Population Clock Winds Down or Speeds Up? Demographic Stories: Apocalyptic, Opportunistic and Realistic; Andra Maria POPA: The Constitutionalization of the European Economic and Social Model; Cristina SANDU: New Paths of Social Services Through Social Entrepreneurship; Mihaela TUCĂ: Corporate Social Responsibility as a Supporting Framework for Country Competitiviness

Bankruptcy, guns or campaigns : explaining armed organizations' post-war trajectories

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2011.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.Includes bibliographical references (p. 304-328).This project seeks to explain what happens to armed organizations after they sign peace accords. Why do they dissolve, return to war, or form non-violent socio-political entities (political parties or civic associations)? To explain variation in post-war outcomes, my argument centers on the human geography of armed groups. Recruitment, deployment, and post-war migration patterns generate distinct configurations of a) collective capacity, b) relations with civilians, and c) inter-armed group dynamics. I propose that, if a rebel or paramilitary unit recruits in a geographically concentrated area and deploys its fighters in their home communities, the organization will persist and transform into a socio-political entity after disarming. If instead the organization recruits in a dispersed manner, deploys its soldiers away from their towns of origin, and the soldiers either return home or displace to a third locale, the group will disintegrate; it will lose its capacity for collective action. By bankrupting some organizations and preserving others, demobilization has differential effects on armed group capacity. Where it weakens a group, it destabilizes the territorial bargains between the ex-armed group and state and between the group and its contiguous, non-state armed actors. As a result, resumed war becomes likely. If instead, the distribution of power within the system is maintained, the groups will, over time, fully demilitarize and be brought into the state's legal framework. This dissertation is based on rich data collected during fourteen months of fieldwork in Colombia from 2006 to the present during which time I went inside each demobilizing organization to reconstruct and map its postwar trajectory. Exploiting Colombia's unparalleled comparative laboratory for this research, I test the effect of recruitment, deployment, and post-war migration patterns on organizational outcomes using two strategies. First, I conduct a detailed, controlled comparison of armed groups in three regions of Colombia based on interviews of over 200 ex-combatants, civilians, and victims. The second strategy combines these qualitative sources with quantitative ones to evaluate the proposed hypotheses on the entire universe of municipality-armed group dyads in Colombia (n=1040). For this analysis, I rely on municipal-level violent event data, interviews of nearly 100 Colombian experts on the armed conflict, a database of seven years of news articles, and statistical evidence from a series of surveys of former paramilitaries (n=31,472). The empirics provide strong support for the proposed model. The project has significant implications for debates on reintegration, state-building, consolidating peace, reconciliation, decriminalization, and transitions to democracy.by Sarah Zukerman Daly.Ph.D