An Alternative Conception of Tree-Adjoining Derivation

The precise formulation of derivation for tree-adjoining grammars has important ramifications for a wide variety of uses of the formalism, from syntactic analysis to semantic interpretation and statistical language modeling. We argue that the definition of tree-adjoining derivation must be reformulated in order to manifest the proper linguistic dependencies in derivations. The particular proposal is both precisely characterizable through a definition of TAG derivations as equivalence classes of ordered derivation trees, and computationally operational, by virtue of a compilation to linear indexed grammars together with an efficient algorithm for recognition and parsing according to the compiled grammar.Comment: 33 page

An alternative conception of tree-adjoining derivation

The precise formulation of derivation for tree-adjoining grammars has important ramifications for a wide variety of uses of the formalism, from syntactic analysis to semantic interpretation and statistical language modeling. We argue that the definition of tree-adjoining derivation must be reformulated in order to manifest the proper linguistic dependencies in derivations. The particular proposal is both precisely characterizable, through a compilation to linear indexed grammars, and computationally operational, by virtue of an efficient algorithm for recognition and parsing.Engineering and Applied Science

D-Tree Grammars

DTG are designed to share some of the advantages of TAG while overcoming some of its limitations. DTG involve two composition operations called subsertion and sister-adjunction. The most distinctive feature of DTG is that, unlike TAG, there is complete uniformity in the way that the two DTG operations relate lexical items: subsertion always corresponds to complementation and sister-adjunction to modification. Furthermore, DTG, unlike TAG, can provide a uniform analysis for em wh-movement in English and Kashmiri, despite the fact that the em wh element in Kashmiri appears in sentence-second position, and not sentence-initial position as in English.Comment: Latex source, needs aclap.sty, 8 pages, to appear in ACL-9

Convertir des dérivations TAG en dépendances

International audienceLes structures de dépendances syntaxiques sont importantes et bien adaptées comme point de départ de diverses applications. Dans le cadre de l'analyseur TAG FRMG, nous présentons les détails d'un processus de conversion de forêts partagées de dérivations en forêts partagées de dépendances. Des éléments d'information sont fournis sur un algorithme de désambiguisation sur ces forêts de dépendances

A note on the strong and weak generative powers of formal systems

AbstractThis paper is a note on some relationships between the strong and weak generative powers of formal systems, in particular, from the point of view of squeezing more strong power out of a formal system without increasing its weak generative power. We will comment on some old and new results from this perspective. Our main goal of this note is to comment on the strong generative power of context-free grammars, lexicalized tree-adjoining grammars (and some of their variants) and Lambek grammars, especially in the context of crossing dependencies, in view of the recent work of Tiede (Ph.D. Dissertation, Indiana University, Bloomington, 1999)

MICA: A Probabilistic Dependency Parser Based on Tree Insertion Grammars

International audienceMICA is a dependency parser which returns deep dependency representations, is fast, has state-of-the-art performance, and is freely available

Lexicalized non-local MCTAG with dominance links is NP-complete

An NP-hardness proof for non-local Multicomponent Tree Adjoining Grammar (MCTAG) by Rambow and Satta (1st International Workshop on Tree Adjoining Grammers 1992), based on Dahlhaus and Warmuth (in J Comput Syst Sci 33:456–472, 1986), is extended to some linguistically relevant restrictions of that formalism. It is found that there are NP-hard grammars among non-local MCTAGs even if any or all of the following restrictions are imposed: (i) lexicalization: every tree in the grammar contains a terminal; (ii) dominance links: every tree set contains at most two trees, and in every such tree set, there is a link between the foot node of one tree and the root node of the other tree, indicating that the former node must dominate the latter in the derived tree. This is the version of MCTAG proposed in Becker et al. (Proceedings of the 5th conference of the European chapter of the Association for Computational Linguistics 1991) to account for German long-distance scrambling. This result restricts the field of possible candidates for an extension of Tree Adjoining Grammar that would be both mildly context-sensitive and linguistically adequate

Convertir des dérivations TAG en dépendances

International audienceLes structures de dépendances syntaxiques sont importantes et bien adaptées comme point de départ de diverses applications. Dans le cadre de l'analyseur TAG FRMG, nous présentons les détails d'un processus de conversion de forêts partagées de dérivations en forêts partagées de dépendances. Des éléments d'information sont fournis sur un algorithme de désambiguisation sur ces forêts de dépendances

Factoring Predicate Argument and Scope Semantics : underspecified Semantics with LTAG

In this paper we propose a compositional semantics for lexicalized tree-adjoining grammar (LTAG). Tree-local multicomponent derivations allow separation of the semantic contribution of a lexical item into one component contributing to the predicate argument structure and a second component contributing to scope semantics. Based on this idea a syntax-semantics interface is presented where the compositional semantics depends only on the derivation structure. It is shown that the derivation structure (and indirectly the locality of derivations) allows an appropriate amount of underspecification. This is illustrated by investigating underspecified representations for quantifier scope ambiguities and related phenomena such as adjunct scope and island constraints