DOC 2015-03 Master of Finance

Legislative Authority. Constitution of the Academic Senate of the University of Dayton, Article ll.B.

Characterization of Echinochloa spp. in Arkansas

Echinochloa species are the most problematic grass weeds in rice and soybean production throughout the southern United States. The species under this genus has high intra- and interspecific variability, with many ecotypes, observed within a species. This study was conducted to: i) characterize the morphology and phenology of Echinochloa accessions from Arkansas in a common garden; ii) verify the species identity of these accessions based on their morphological traits, and iii) evaluate the dormancy characteristics of Echinochloa accessions. Junglerice (E. colona) was identified as the most common species, comprising about 78% of the accessions collected, with barnyardgrass (E. crus-galli) and rough barnyardgrass (E. muricata) representing about 9% and 12% of the population, respectively. Thus, junglerice is the most problematic Echinochloa species affecting farmers in Arkansas. The height of junglerice ranged from 65-94 cm; barnyardgrass, 87-126 cm; and rough barnyardgrass, 79-118 cm. Rough barnyardgrass was the largest species with the longest (19.8-42 cm) and widest (1.2-2.1 cm) leaves, followed by barnyardgrass. Junglerice and barnyardgrass were the earliest to flower, at about 39-59 days after planting (DAP), followed by rough barnyardgrass (46-63 DAP). Junglerice produced the largest amount of seed (9,098-217,217 per plant) with an average of 539 seeds per panicle. Barnyardgrass produced 7,186-71,494 seed/plant with an average of 345 seeds per panicle. The dominance of junglerice over the other species could be due to its high seed production and high seed germination capacity. The growth habit of junglerice could be either prostrate, decumbent or open whereas that of barnyardgrass and rough barnyardgrass could be decumbent to open. Junglerice and barnyardgrass had similar panicle characteristics with an almost similar color range that could lead to misidentification. Junglerice had the highest germination capacity (41-99%), followed by barnyardgrass at 11-79%. Rough barnyardgrass exhibited deep dormancy, with germination capacity between 2 and 73%. Further investigations are needed to characterize the germination requirements of rough barnyardgrass and its relative abundance in North America. The differential tolerance of these species to various herbicides are being investigated in follow-up research. This information is useful in making weed management decisions and is informative in understanding speciation and adaptation of weedy Echinochloa species

Washington University Record, May 7, 2009

https://digitalcommons.wustl.edu/record/2178/thumbnail.jp

Current, April 07, 2008

https://irl.umsl.edu/current2000s/1217/thumbnail.jp

League Structure & Stadium Rent Seeking —the Antitrust Role Reconsidered

Professional North American sporting teams receive enormous public funding for new and renovated stadiums after threatening to depart their hometowns, or by actually moving elsewhere. In contrast, English sporting teams neither receive much public money for such projects, nor move towns. This Article argues that no inherent cultural or political transatlantic variations cause the differences; rather, it is the industrial organization of sports in the two countries-the structure of league control-that enables rent-seeking by American teams but not by their English counterparts. Cross-country time series data contrasting American professional football and baseball stadiums with English soccer grounds support our claim, as does data contrasting the stadiums of geographically flexible National Football League teams with those of functionally immobile major collegiate football teams. North American sports leagues are cartels: they control entry of teams, then collaborate to maximize effective rent-seeking, stave off competition, and keep prices high. In most of the world, competitive merit determines entrance into leagues via a system known as promotion and relegation, which demotes the worst performing teams in one competitive tier to the next lower tier at season\u27s end, simultaneously promoting an equivalent number of top teams from the division below. The fluidity created by promotion and relegation severely undermines the credibility of a team\u27s threat to leave town by creating alternative, less costly entry points into the league. Open entry mitigates pressure to engage in intercity competition over scarce team slots, and thus relieves the pressure to transfer wealth from public taxpayers to private team owners through stadium funding. Stadium rent-seeking illustrates a weakness of antitrust law in remedying problems at the intersection of market and political organization. The anticompetitive structure of American leagues provides the platform for stadium rent-seeking, but the resulting harm is arguably a political injury rather than an antitrust offense. Nonetheless, this Article argues that finding a way to impose a promotion and relegation system would be the least intrusive means for the United States and Canada to limit sporting league cartel behavior to its proper functions, such as arranging schedules and defining uniform rules. The unpromising solution under antitrust law makes it all the more imperative for Congress to address this costly injury

Instituting a Behavioral Wellness Program and Updating a Clinical Pathway for Economically Disadvantaged Overweight and Obese Adults in a Community Health Center: A Clinical Scholarship Project

This project is intentionally instituted in an underserved community in an attempt to bridge the gap of health disparities in a population that would otherwise not have access to such programs. The purpose of this clinical scholarship project is to work with the Midwestern health center to encourage weight loss as well as to promote healthy lifestyles and reduce risk factors among economically disadvantaged persons by: (a) starting a wellness program that incorporates both behavioral and physical health using principles of motivational interviewing and health coaching, and (b) updating a clinical pathway for persons with a body mass index twenty-five or greater. Data were limited to attendance, BMI, and weight and reported using descriptive statistics. Data were collected at two sites. Results revealed attendance ranged from 1 to 5 sessions out of 6 at site 1 with a mode of 1 session. Attendance ranged from 1 to 5 sessions out of 5 at site 2 with a mode of 1 session. The mean BMI fat at baseline for site 1 was 41.4 (range = 28.3 – 47.3) and the mean BMI fat at baseline for site 2 was 42.4 (range = 34.2 – 64.8). There was no BMI increase at either site regardless of number of sessions attended. The mean weight at baseline for site 1 was 237.1 pounds (range = 174.8 – 299.8) and the mean weight at baseline for site 2 was 244 pounds (range = 194.6 – 364.2). Participants at site 1 lost between 0.2 and 5.8 pounds. Participants at site 2 lost between 0.2 and 6.2 pounds. Evidence-based guidelines support strategies aimed at intensive behavioral counseling and regular, moderate physical exercise for prevention and treatment of adult obesity (Christie, Meires, & Watkins, 2007). MI and HC as a part of this program continue to show promise in regard to its use with the socioeconomically disadvantaged. These strategies allowed the participants to become active in their goals and health. Targeting this population helps to reduce risk factors and chronic conditions that contribute to the health of the population

League Structure &Stadium Rent Seeking— the Role of Antitrust Revisited

Professional North American sporting teams receive enormous public funding for new and renovated stadiums after threatening to depart their hometowns, or by actually moving elsewhere. In contrast, English sporting teams neither receive much public money for such projects, nor move towns. This Article argues that no inherent cultural or political transatlantic variations cause the differences; rather, it is the industrial organization of sports in the two countries—the structure of league control—that enables rent-seeking by American teams but not by their English counterparts. Cross-country time series data contrasting American professional football and baseball stadiums with English soccer grounds support our claim, as does data contrasting the stadiums of geographically flexible National Football League teams with those of functionally immobile major collegiate football teams

League Structure &Stadium Rent Seeking— the Role of Antitrust Revisited

Professional North American sporting teams receive enormous public funding for new and renovated stadiums after threatening to depart their hometowns, or by actually moving elsewhere. In contrast, English sporting teams neither receive much public money for such projects, nor move towns. This Article argues that no inherent cultural or political transatlantic variations cause the differences; rather, it is the industrial organization of sports in the two countries—the structure of league control—that enables rent-seeking by American teams but not by their English counterparts. Cross-country time series data contrasting American professional football and baseball stadiums with English soccer grounds support our claim, as does data contrasting the stadiums of geographically flexible National Football League teams with those of functionally immobile major collegiate football teams

BGSU Football Program September 14, 2002

Football program: Bowling Green State University vs. University of Missouri, September 14, 2002.https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/football_programs/1254/thumbnail.jp