Proof Nets and the Complexity of Processing Center-Embedded Constructions

This paper shows how proof nets can be used to formalize the notion of ``incomplete dependency'' used in psycholinguistic theories of the unacceptability of center-embedded constructions. Such theories of human language processing can usually be restated in terms of geometrical constraints on proof nets. The paper ends with a discussion of the relationship between these constraints and incremental semantic interpretation.Comment: To appear in Proceedings of LACL 95; uses epic.sty, eepic.sty, rotate.st

A Polynomial-Time Algorithm for the Lambek Calculus with Brackets of Bounded Order

Lambek calculus is a logical foundation of categorial grammar, a linguistic paradigm of grammar as logic and parsing as deduction. Pentus (2010) gave a polynomial-time algorithm for determining provability of bounded depth formulas in L*, the Lambek calculus with empty antecedents allowed. Pentus\u27 algorithm is based on tabularisation of proof nets. Lambek calculus with brackets is a conservative extension of Lambek calculus with bracket modalities, suitable for the modeling of syntactical domains. In this paper we give an algorithm for provability in Lb*, the Lambek calculus with brackets allowing empty antecedents. Our algorithm runs in polynomial time when both the formula depth and the bracket nesting depth are bounded. It combines a Pentus-style tabularisation of proof nets with an automata-theoretic treatment of bracketing

Partial Orders, Residuation, and First-Order Linear Logic

We will investigate proof-theoretic and linguistic aspects of first-order linear logic. We will show that adding partial order constraints in such a way that each sequent defines a unique linear order on the antecedent formulas of a sequent allows us to define many useful logical operators. In addition, the partial order constraints improve the efficiency of proof search.Comment: 33 page

Experimenting with Transitive Verbs in a DisCoCat

Formal and distributional semantic models offer complementary benefits in modeling meaning. The categorical compositional distributional (DisCoCat) model of meaning of Coecke et al. (arXiv:1003.4394v1 [cs.CL]) combines aspected of both to provide a general framework in which meanings of words, obtained distributionally, are composed using methods from the logical setting to form sentence meaning. Concrete consequences of this general abstract setting and applications to empirical data are under active study (Grefenstette et al., arxiv:1101.0309; Grefenstette and Sadrzadeh, arXiv:1106.4058v1 [cs.CL]). . In this paper, we extend this study by examining transitive verbs, represented as matrices in a DisCoCat. We discuss three ways of constructing such matrices, and evaluate each method in a disambiguation task developed by Grefenstette and Sadrzadeh (arXiv:1106.4058v1 [cs.CL]).Comment: 5 pages, to be presented at GEMS 2011, as part of EMNLP'11 workshop

Experimental Support for a Categorical Compositional Distributional Model of Meaning

Modelling compositional meaning for sentences using empirical distributional methods has been a challenge for computational linguists. We implement the abstract categorical model of Coecke et al. (arXiv:1003.4394v1 [cs.CL]) using data from the BNC and evaluate it. The implementation is based on unsupervised learning of matrices for relational words and applying them to the vectors of their arguments. The evaluation is based on the word disambiguation task developed by Mitchell and Lapata (2008) for intransitive sentences, and on a similar new experiment designed for transitive sentences. Our model matches the results of its competitors in the first experiment, and betters them in the second. The general improvement in results with increase in syntactic complexity showcases the compositional power of our model.Comment: 11 pages, to be presented at EMNLP 2011, to be published in Proceedings of the 2011 Conference on Empirical Methods in Natural Language Processin

Monoid automata for displacement context-free languages

In 2007 Kambites presented an algebraic interpretation of Chomsky-Schutzenberger theorem for context-free languages. We give an interpretation of the corresponding theorem for the class of displacement context-free languages which are equivalent to well-nested multiple context-free languages. We also obtain a characterization of k-displacement context-free languages in terms of monoid automata and show how such automata can be simulated on two stacks. We introduce the simultaneous two-stack automata and compare different variants of its definition. All the definitions considered are shown to be equivalent basing on the geometric interpretation of memory operations of these automata.Comment: Revised version for ESSLLI Student Session 2013 selected paper