NEW GROWTH STRATEGY: POST – WASHINGTON CONSENSUS ?

Autor u radu razmatra promjene u modelu gospodarskog i socijalnog razvitka, poznatom pod nazivom “Washingtonski konsenzus”, kako ga je formulirao John Williamson s Instituta za međunarodnu ekonomiju iz Washingtona. Na osnovi njegove primjene u desetak godina u Latinskoj Americi, ali, uz manje nadopune, i u postkomunističkim, tranzicijskim ekonomijama, model je kritički valoriziran. Skupina (latino)američkih ekonomista, analizirala je primjenu modela u Latinskoj Americi, pa je razradila određene preporuke za one koji odlučuju o gospodarskoj politici. Spomenute preporuke nadopunjuju razvojni model u takvoj mjeri da bi se mogao smatrati novim modelom razvitka. Takav novi model gospodarskog i socijalnog razvitka, autori su nazvali “Post – Washingtonskim konsenzusom”. Autor ovoga rada razmatra glavne aspekte novoga modela razvitka, ali i konkretne implikacije koje ovaj model može imati na model gospodarskog i socijalnog razvitka Hrvatske. Zaključak je istraživanja da je potrebna rekonceptualizacija postojećeg hrvatskoga modela razvitka, i to na osnovnim postavkama “Post – Washingtonskog konsenzusa”.The author considers the changes in the model of economic and social development, well known under the name “Washington Consensus”, as formulated by John Williamson from the Washington Institute of International Economics. Based on its ten-year application in Latin America, but with smaller supplements, the model has been also critically valorized in post-communist, transitional economies. A group of (Latin) American economists analyzed the model application in Latin America and worked out specific suggestions for economic policy decision makers. Mentioned suggestions supplement developmental model to such extent that it could be considered as a new model of development. The authors named such a new model of economic and social development the “Post-Washington Consensus”. The author of this paper considers main aspects of the new model of development, as well as specific implications it could have on the Croatian model of economic and social development.The conclusion is that the existing Croatian model of development needs to be reconceptualized on the basic statements of the “Post-Washington Consensus”

The periphery paradox in innovation policy: Latin America and Eastern Europe Compared

In this paper we are interested in analyzing the dynamics of the innovation policy in non-frontier countries, and their relationship with structural change and development.

EXIT STRATEGY OF CROATIA – THESES FOR NEW MODEL OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Autor razmatra glavne aspekte novoga modela razvitka, ali i konkretne posljedice koje on može imati na model gospodarskog i socijalnog razvitka Hrvatske. Zaključci ovoga istraživanja - koje je zasnovano na prijašnjim vlastitim analizama - bili bi da je potrebna rekonceptualizacija postojećega hrvatskoga modela razvitka, i to na osnovnim postavkama tzv. “Postwashingtonskog konsenzusa” (opširnije vidjeti u: Radošević, 2003. i 2004.).The author considers the main aspects of the new development model, as well as actual implications it can have on the model of economic and social development of Croatia. The conclusions of this research-based on its own earlier analyses-would be that it was necessary a reconceptualization of the existing Croatian development model, based on basic hypotheses of the so-called “Post-Washington Consensus” (for more details in: Radošević, 2003 and 2004)

2015 Global Go To Think Tank Index Report

Background The Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTCSP) at the University of Pennsylvania conducts research on the role policy institutes play in governments and civil societies around the world. Often referred to as the “think tanks’ think tank,” TTCSP examines the evolving role and character of public policy research organizations. Over the last 25 years, the TTCSP has developed and led a series of global initiatives that have helped bridge the gap between knowledge and policy in critical policy areas such as international peace and security, globalization and governance, international economics, environmental issues, information and society, poverty alleviation, and healthcare and global health. These international collaborative efforts are designed to establish regional and international networks of policy institutes and communities that improve policy making while strengthening democratic institutions and civil societies around the world. The TTCSP works with leading scholars and practitioners from think tanks and universities in a variety of collaborative efforts and programs, and produces the annual Global Go To Think Tank Index that ranks the world’s leading think tanks in a variety of categories. This is achieved with the help of a panel of over 1,900 peer institutions and experts from the print and electronic media, academia, public and private donor institutions, and governments around the world. We have strong relationships with leading think tanks around the world, and our annual Think Tank Index is used by academics, journalists, donors and the public to locate and connect with the leading centers of public policy research around the world. Our goal is to increase the profile and performance of think tanks and raise the public awareness of the important role think tanks play in governments and civil societies around the globe. Since its inception in 1989, the TTCSP has focused on collecting data and conducting research on think tank trends and the role think tanks play as civil society actors in the policymaking process. In 2007, the TTCSP developed and launched the global index of think tanks, which is designed to identify and recognize centers of excellence in all the major areas of public policy research and in every region of the world. To date TTCSP has provided technical assistance and capacity building programs in 81 countries. We are now working to create regional and global networks of think tanks in an effort to facilitate collaboration and the production of a modest yet achievable set of global public goods. Our goal is to create lasting institutional and state-level partnerships by engaging and mobilizing think tanks that have demonstrated their ability to produce high quality policy research and shape popular and elite opinion and actions for public good

Complexidade tributária brasileira e sua influência na evasão fiscal

O presente estudo teve por objetivo avaliar a relação entre a complexidade tributária brasileira e o nível de evasão do país. Estudos internacionais que já verificaram essa relação não foram conclusivos em seus resultados, apesar de, preponderantemente, os resultados apontarem para uma forte interação entre complexidade e evasão fiscal. A presente pesquisa contribui no país ao testar se a complexidade tributária, enquanto um determinante internacionalmente reconhecido da evasão fiscal, possui influência significativa no nível de sonegação tributária. Para tanto, utilizou-se de modelo de regressão linear múltipla, seguindo o método já utilizado em estudos internacionais, com uma amostra de dados de evasão fiscal, complexidade tributára, carga tributária e percepção de corrupção captadas no Fundo Monetário Internacional, Banco Mundial e Transparência Internacional, no período de 2005 a 2015. Os resultados revelaram que a complexidade tributária não apresentou significância estatística para explicar o comportamento da evasão fiscal brasileira, fato divergente da teoria clássica a respeito da intereção entre essas variáveis. Além disso, observou-se que a carga tributária foi o único determinante no nível de evasão da amostra tratada. Com isso, o estudo apresenta que o tratamento da complexidade tributária brasileira talvez não tenha a dimensão que se é comumente idealizada quando associam a sua participação no contexto de evasão fiscal. Desta forma, o trabalho inaugura os estudos empíricos sobre complexidade tributária brasileira, permitindo que dados do Brasil possam ser melhor conhecidos e debatidos por acadêmicos, governos e empresas na melhoria do conexto tributário nacional

Original Article Globalization as a Driver or Bottleneck for Sustainable Development: Some Empirical, Cross-National Reflections on Basic Issues of International Health Policy and Management

Background: This article looks at the long-term, structural determinants of environmental and public health performance in the world system. Methods: In multiple standard ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models, we tested the effects of 26 standard predictor variables, including the 'four freedoms' of goods, capital, labour and services, on the following indicators of sustainable development and public health: avoiding net trade of ecological footprint global hectare (gha) per person; avoiding high carbon emissions per million US dollars GDP; avoiding high CO 2 per capita (gha/cap); avoiding high ecological footprint per capita; avoiding becoming victim of natural disasters; a good performance on the Environmental Performance Index (EPI); a good performance on the Happy Life Years (HLYs) scale; and a good performance on the Happy Planet Index (HPI). Results: Our research showed that the apprehensions of quantitative research, critical of neo-liberal globalization, are fully vindicated by the significant negative environmental and public health effects of the foreign savings rate. High foreign savings are indeed a driver of global footprint, and are a blockade against a satisfactory HPI performance. The new international division of labour is one of the prime drivers of high CO 2 per capita emissions. Multinational Corporation (MNC) penetration, the master variable of most quantitative dependency theories, blocks EPI and several other socially important processes. Worker remittances have a significant positive effect on the HPI, and HLYs. Conclusion: We re-analysed the solid macro-political and macro-sociological evidence on a global scale, published in the world's leading peer-reviewed social science, ecological and public health journals, which seem to indicate that there are contradictions between unfettered globalization and unconstrained world economic openness and sustainable development and public health development. We suggest that there seems to be a strong interaction between 'transnational capitalist penetration' and 'environmental and public health degradation'. Global policy-making finally should dare to take the globalization-critical organizations of 'civil society' seriously. This conclusion not only holds for the countries of the developed "West", but also, increasingly, for the growing democracy and civil society movements around the globe, in countries as diverse as Brazil, Russia, China, or ever larger parts of the Muslim world

Schema Label Normalization for Improving Schema Matching

Schema matching is the problem of finding relationships among concepts across heterogeneous data sources that are heterogeneous in format and in structure. Starting from the \u201chidden meaning\u201d associated with schema labels (i.e. class/attribute names) it is possible to discover relationships among the elements of different schemata. Lexical annotation (i.e. annotation w.r.t. a thesaurus/lexical resource) helps in associating a \u201cmeaning\u201d to schema labels.However, the performance of semi-automatic lexical annotation methods on real-world schemata suffers from the abundance of non-dictionary words such as compound nouns, abbreviations, and acronyms. We address this problem by proposing a method to perform schema label normalization which increases the number of comparable labels. The method semi-automatically expands abbreviations/acronyms and annotates compound nouns, with minimal manual effort. We empirically prove that our normalization method helps in the identification of similarities among schema elements of different data sources, thus improving schema matching results

Globalization as a Driver or Bottleneck for Sustainable Development: Some Empirical, Cross-National Reflections on Basic Issues of International Health Policy and Management

Background: This article looks at the long-term, structural determinants of environmental and public health performance in the world system. Methods: In multiple standard ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models, we tested the effects of 26 standard predictor variables, including the ‘four freedoms’ of goods, capital, labour and services, on the following indicators of sustainable development and public health: avoiding net trade of ecological footprint global hectare (gha) per person; avoiding high carbon emissions per million US dollars GDP; avoiding high CO 2 per capita (gha/cap); avoiding high ecological footprint per capita; avoiding becoming victim of natural disasters; a good performance on the Environmental Performance Index (EPI); a good performance on the Happy Life Years (HLYs) scale; and a good performance on the Happy Planet Index (HPI). Results: Our research showed that the apprehensions of quantitative research, critical of neo-liberal globalization, are fully vindicated by the significant negative environmental and public health effects of the foreign savings rate. High foreign savings are indeed a driver of global footprint, and are a blockade against a satisfactory HPI performance. The new international division of labour is one of the prime drivers of high CO 2 per capita emissions. Multinational Corporation (MNC) penetration, the master variable of most quantitative dependency theories, blocks EPI and several other socially important processes. Worker remittances have a significant positive effect on the HPI, and HLYs. Conclusion: We re-analysed the solid macro-political and macro-sociological evidence on a global scale, published in the world’s leading peer-reviewed social science, ecological and public health journals, which seem to indicate that there are contradictions between unfettered globalization and unconstrained world economic openness and sustainable development and public health development. We suggest that there seems to be a strong interaction between ‘transnational capitalist penetration’ and ‘environmental and public health degradation’. Global policy-making finally should dare to take the globalization-critical organizations of ‘civil society’ seriously. This conclusion not only holds for the countries of the developed “West”, but also, increasingly, for the growing democracy and civil society movements around the globe, in countries as diverse as Brazil, Russia, China, or ever larger parts of the Muslim world