Stalboerger, Andrew (1844 - 1927)

This biographical summary was created by the Works Progress Administration (WPA) between 1936 and 1939

Licensing Act 1917 No. 1322

An Act to consolidate the Laws relating to the Supplying of Intoxicating Liquors and the Exercise of Local Option with regard thereto, and the Licensing of Billiard and Bagatelle Tables, and for other purposes. ; N.p., 1529/1922; 1644/1924; 1775/1926,; s. 5 and 6; 1808/1927, s. 4; S. 2, am., 1808/1927, s. 5; S. 4, am., 1808/1927, s. 6; S. 6, r.s., 1808/1927, s. 7; S. 7, r.s., 1808/1927, s. 8; S. 8, r.s., 1808/1927, s. 8; S. 8 (3), am., 2055/1931, s. 3; S. 9, am., 1808/1927, s. 9; S. 10, r.s., 1808/1927, s. 10; S. 13 (2), am., 1604/1923, s. 3; am., 1867/1928, s. 3; S. 13 (2) (v.), ad., 1604/1923, s. 3 (1); S. 16-18, 20, 22 and 23, am., 1844/1927, s. 4; S. 26, rep., 1844/1927, s. 3; S. 29, am., 1808/1927, s. 11; S.31, r.s., 1844/1927, s. 5; am., 2055/1931, s. 4; S. 32, r.s., 1844/1927, s. 6; S. 32-35, r.s., 1867/1928, s. 4; S. 36 and 37, rep., 1867/1928, s. 5; S. 42 (3), am., 1808/1927, s. 12; S. 53, am., 1808/1927, s. 13; S. 58, am., 1808/1927, s. 14; am., 2055/1931, s. 5; S. 59, r.s., 2055/1931, s. 6; S. 64 (1), am., 2055/1931, s. 7 (1); S. 64 (5), am., 1808/1927, s. 15; am., 2055/1931, s. 7 (3); S. 65, am., 1867/1928, s. 6; S. 65 (1), am., 1775/1926, s. 4; am., 1808/1927, s. 16 (a); S. 65 (3), am., 1808/1927, s. 16 (b); S. 67 (2), am., 1867/1927, s. 7; S. 69 (1), am., 1808/1927, s. 17 (a); S. 69 (2), rep., 1808/1927, s. 17 (b); S. 80 (1), am., 1604/1923s. 4; S. 81, am., 1808/1927, s. 18; S. 86 (1), am., 2083/1932, s. 3 (a); S. 86 (2), am., 1808/1927, s. 19; S. 86 (5), ad., 2083/1932, s. 3 (b); S. 87 (2), am., 1604/1923, s. 5; S. 91A, ad., 1808/1927, s. 20; S. 93, am., 1808/1927, s. 21; S. 103, am., 1808/1927, s. 22; S. 119, n.p., 2003/1932, s. 2; S. 129, am., 1604/1923, s. 6; S. 136A, ad., 2055/1931, s. 8; S. 137, am., 2055/1931, s. 9; S. 139 (1) (e), rep., 2055/1931, s. 10; S. 139A and 139B, ad., 1844/1927, s. 7; S. 159, am., 1867/1928, s. 8; am., 2055/1931, s. 11; S. 159A, ad., 1867/1928, s. 9; S. 166A, ad., 1867/1928, s. 10; S. 178 (1) and 178 (3), am., 1604/1923, s. 7; S. 179, am., 1808/1927, s. 23; S. 182 (2), am., 1604/1923, s. 8; S. 183 (1), am., 1604/1923, s. 9; S. 184 (3), am., 1808/1927, s. 24; S. 185, am., 1436/1920, s. 3; am., 2055/1931, s. 12; S. 219A, ad., 1752/1926, s. 3; S. 223, r.s., 1752/1926, s. 4; S. 233 (3), am., 1808/1927, s. 28; S. 247, r.s., 1449/1920, s. 3; S. 267, am., 1808/1927, s. 29; S. 269, am., 1604/1923, s. 11; S. 279 (2), ad., 1604/1923, s. 12; S. 281, am., 1604/1923, s. 13; S. 281 (2A.), ad., 1604/1923, s. 13; Sched. C, rep., 1844/1927, s. 8; Sched. W 1, am., 1529/1922, s. 8; W. rep., 2102/1932, s.

Toros en Aranjuez : zarzuela cómico-taurina en un acto, dividido en tres cuadros, en prosa

Estrenada en el Gran Teatro el día 24 de octubre de 1908Copia digital. Valladolid : Junta de Castilla y León. Consejería de Cultura y Turismo, 201

Karl Schmückle and Western Marxism

Born in 1898 in South-West Germany, the son of a lumberjack, a student of Karl Korsch in Jena, a colleague of Georg Lukács in Moscow, a militant of the Communist Part of Germany (KPD), and later a member of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (VKPB), Schmückle was a prominent Marx expert, a literary critic and an editor of the first Marx- Engels-Gesamtausgabe (MEGA1). This article examines whether Schmückle can be called a Western Marxist. To this end, it first investigates the theoretic, geological and social patterns of Western Marxism and then detects similarities and differences between Schmückle and some pioneering figures of Western Marxism. My main contention is that Western Marxist historiography potentially excludes much of what stands and falls with Schmückle’s intellectual biography and political identity. The way Western Marxism would read Schmückle leads to the conclusion that Schmückle was a Westerner and a Marxist, but hardly a Western Marxist. This suggests that either Western Marxism applies to him in a very loose sense or, alternatively, the term can be empirically falsified in Schmückle’s case

Sovereignty Over Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh, Middle Rocks and South Ledge (Malaysia/Singapore)

Report on Malaysia/Singapore, decided May 23, 2008 before the International Court of Justic

Emma Martin and the manhandled womb in early Victorian England

Emma Martin (née Bullock) was born in 1811 and died in 1851. She was a socialist and freethinker. As a child she was strongly religious and at the age of seventeen joined the Particular Baptists – a Calvanist grouping. She remained a believer for a further twelve years. In 1831 she married the Baptist Isaac Luther Martin and they had three daughters. She was very unhappy in the marriage and started to deliver lectures on the role of women. In 1839 she attended her first Owenite social meeting – she was powerfully ambivalent toward the radical views she heard there and she attacked their anti-religious ideas despite their endorsement of her pro women feelings. At the end of that year Isaac moved the family to London and she left him and became a lecturer for the Owenites at a small stipend. This paper begins by examining a remarkable text, published in 1844, which rejected a phallocentric view of religion. Her tract Baptism: a Pagan Rite is inspired by a tradition of comparative religion which had been developed and popularised by anti-clerical comparisons of Catholicism with pagan worship made around the time of the French Revolution. However, other works in this genre, such as Payne Knight’s Priapus (1786) frame their vision of ancient religion around the primacy of phallicism as the central expression of primitive fertility cults and thence as underlying modern Catholic practice. Emma Martin’s work, by contrast, reframed the discussion in two important ways. Firstly, she focussed upon her own experience as a former Baptist so as to sustain a sexualised reading of that denomination. Secondly, her reading centred on the baptismal pool as a womb in which the sinner was reborn. Contemporary accounts critical of baptism indicate that the occasion was feared to be an opportunity for sexual impriority. Martin appears to have seen the act of baptism as an often co-erced fertility ritual. Her other pamphlets, of which several survive, are not directly on gendered themes, but are strongly against religion. Her most active period of writing and speaking lasted until 1845 after which she left the movement to become a midwife. She spent her last years lecturing on gynaecology before dying of tuberculosis in 1851. She thus demonstrated the importance of the womb and its order and disorder as a core element in her practice and sense of duty. By thinking with the womb, she was able to place the female generative process – and its abuses at the hands of men – at the centre of her view of the operation of contemporary society. In this she is strikingly different to other writers of the time on comparative religion who either downplayed the womb as compared with the phallus, or who seem to have regarded the womb as somehow abject

Checklist of British and Irish Hymenoptera - Braconidae

This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY 4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. The attached file is the published version of the article.NHM Repositor

Comets in Australian Aboriginal Astronomy

We present 25 accounts of comets from 40 Australian Aboriginal communities, citing both supernatural perceptions of comets and historical accounts of bright comets. Historical and ethnographic descriptions include the Great Comets of 1843, 1861, 1901, 1910, and 1927. We describe the perceptions of comets in Aboriginal societies and show that they are typically associated with fear, death, omens, malevolent spirits, and evil magic, consistent with many cultures around the world. We also provide a list of words for comets in 16 different Aboriginal languages.Comment: Accepted in the "Journal for Astronomical History & Heritage", 17 Pages, 6 Figures, 1 Tabl

Just Doing It. The Imaginary, the Symbolic and the Real in Nike's Commodity Fetish

Since the mid-1990s Nike has been in the 'bad books' of left-leaning commentators, anti-capitalist movements and other protesters and academics alike because of its production practices in 'third world' sweatshops. The term ?sweatshop? was at some stage so tightly connected to the brand Nike, that it was entirely conceivable that this huge, now 30 billion Dollars worth, company could be brought to its knees. It wasn't to be. Despite a worldwide campaign against Nike (and other sweatshop operating companies), the company responded by introducing 'strict' codes and conducts for outsourcing factories and workers to follow, which, it was hoped, would address and deal with at least the more serious allegations of terrible sweatshop working conditions and child labour in many of the 'third world' factories where Nike products are made. Although at first slow to respond to the massive anti-sweatshop campaign, Nike has learned its lesson fast and it can now proudly say that it takes its 'responsibility' very seriously ? at least the company says so on its sleek website http:??nikeresponsibility.com (note that NikeResponsibility itself seems to have become a brand). But this paper is not proposing to revisit 'old news'. Rather, the starting point for our investigation is our claim that part of the failure of the anti-sweatshop campaign was its inability to conceptualize and understand the concrete workings of the Nike commodity fetish. And to be sure, this failure is ongoing. Recently, War on Want, a UK-based charity that is playing a very active part in exposing the malpractices of multinational companies in the 'third world', has been running a campaign 'Let's clean up Fashion' , to fight against low-price fashion items sold by UK chains such as ASDA, Primark, Tesco, and others. While we very much support this campaign in general, we fear that it doesn't deal with the workings of the commodity fetish head-on. That is, campaigns like this are well intended they appeal to consumers' hearts and minds, to their compassion but what they do not manage to do is to put forward a rigorous analysis of how the commodity fetish works, and how it could be disrupted. In our view, only a rupture of the workings of the commodity fetish ? the act ? would achieve real improvements. That is, campaigns like the anti-sweatshop movement, are well intended, but their compassionate pleas are just that: well intended. Žižek (1997) might go further and say that it is campaigns like these that are actually the kernel of today?s ideological cover up. The anti-sweatshop campaign is not fighting the commodity fetish, but enabling it to continue its destructive work precisely through its work of ?transparency?. We will show in the paper how this double-whammy might work in practice, using the case of Nike. But we are jumping ahead of ourselves. Our paper, then, is a discussion of the workings of commodity fetishism. At work with us is not only Lacan, who will primarily provide input into the workings of enjoyment in today?s consumer culture, but also Marx and Freud who were the early champions of conceptualising fetishism. In Capital, Marx (1976) discusses commodity fetishism as the main ideological structure that keeps capital moving. Freud (1977), in contrast, wasn?t interested in capital but the workings of the human mind, and he saw in fetishism a displacement activity that would enable young boys to get to grips with the apparent castration of their mothers (i.e. the lack of a penis) and the possibilities of their own castration. Although Freud wasn?t a reader of Marx, as far as we know, there have been many attempts to read across Marx?s and Freud?s conceptions of fetishism and somehow integrate their different approaches ? we could name Benjamin?s Arcades Project here. Our paper will review such attempts to integrate Marx and Freud, but will then apply these readings to the burning question of: What actually gets people into NikeTown, and what lets us enjoy our visit to the temple of the commodity? In other words, how is it possible that despite the tremendously bad press Nike has had over the past decade, the company is turning out record profit after record profit, as millions flock to the shops to buy its trainers and T-shirts, i.e. they are enjoying the Nike commodity. Here we will make use of Lacan's (1977, 1998) analysis of enjoyment and jouissance in order to understand the workings of the Nike commodity

Collecting, connoisseurship and commerce: an examination of the life and career of Stephen Wootton Bushell (1844-1908)

No abstract available