Анализа просторних конотација у делу Стојана Ћелића

Као централни мотив уметности Стојана Ћелића, и начина на који је промишљао сликарство и тежио „чистој слици”, намеће се проблем простора. У историографији се већ почетком шездесетих година двадесетог века искристалисао став да је простор формативна категорија Ћелићеве уметности и његовог начина конструисања слике. Теоријска артикулација проблема простора, у његовим различитим конотацијама, развијала се упоредо са сликаревим развојним путем, његовим промишљањима, записима и изјавама које истичу простор као „фикцију”, али истовремено и као „реалност”. Кроз дијалог и испреплетеност „опипљивих”, егзактних, и чак математичких карактеристика простора – које се често везују за ликовне проблеме дубине или перспективе – с једне стране, као и ауторефлексивних, психолошких, или пак условно речено „метафизичких” одлика простора с друге, Ћелићево дело захтева и доличну теоријску интерпретацију. Овом монографском студијом одређују се различите и разнородне просторне конотације у теоријским интерпретацијама Ћелићевог ликовног, мисаоног али и поетског приступа грађењу слике

Mimicry and Irony in Internet Memes – Friends or Foes?

Internet memes hold significant sway in the realm of digital communication, particularly amidst the complexities of the post-truth era. Far from mere jests, memes serve as crucial social agents, reflecting and shaping our societal landscape. They not only cultivate communal bonds and provide a shared cultural and political arena but also employ a rich array of artistic techniques, including appropriation, remixing, and pastiche, transforming these avant-garde strategies into commonplace expressions. This presentation explores Balkan meme communities and their interplay with the alt right movement by scrutinizing subversive affirmation artivist strategies in the activities of both groups. Drawing upon the frameworks of thinkers such as Slavoj Žižek, Inke Arns and Sylvia Sasse, the IRWIN group, and Alexei Monroe, this presentation probes the nature of subversive mimicry within contemporary society, with a particular focus on the role of irony in digital meme culture. The analysis challenges the notion of subversive mimicry as a purely oppositional force to dominant ideologies and norms. It contends that the exclusion of irony may limit mimicry’s transformative potential. It delves into the nuanced discourse of Southeast Europe to pose a pivotal question: Does the presence of irony in internet memes dilute or enable the potency of artistic and activist strategy of subversive mimicry? This inquiry seeks to enrich our understanding of both memes and irony as vehicles of cultural critique and social commentary within the contemporary cultural landscape, inviting reflection on their efficacy as agents of subversion and change

UAE Abaya Fashion: From Cover to Prestige (and Social Liberalization)

This paper examines the power of the UAE abaya. Moreover, it is concerned with the exploitation of luxury in the pursuit of social status and the attainment of greater freedom within an authoritarian context. As will be argued, the abaya has transitioned from serving the state in the process of identity formation to becom ing a non-state actor capable of challenging dominant strictures and providing for policy alternatives. However, while the new or revamped abaya has contributed to self-actualization and made taboo topics more visible, it is also important to note that some Emiratis or minority groups may end up being excluded from this largely luxury-driven process. For the leadership, this could create an unenviable situation, particularly when considering the potential rift between the promises outlined in the state vision and the prerequisites needed for its implementation. With this in mind, the present analysis is also intended to assist policymakers working on tolerance and social cohesion, as well as those striving to position the UAE as a major point of reference in global affairs

Ograničenja kompetitivnog autoritarizma u bezbednosnim politikama: Tumačenje stava Turske prema Evropskoj uniji

Middle powers are often states that support and follow democratic principles, demonstrating such atonement in the domestic and foreign policies. However, states that want to emerge in modern multipolarity prefer a more centralised approach, adopting an assertive behaviour against powers or international institutions that criticise alleged ‘authoritarian governance’. Among these countries, Türkiye as a middle power has manifested a growing assertive behaviour towards the European Union (EU) after the failed coup of 2016, capitalizing on such antagonism in the referendum of 2017 has allowed the Justice and Development Party, (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi / AKP) to transform Türkiye into a Presidential Republic. Nonetheless, such assertive behaviour in Turkish Foreign Policy (TFP) has not always corresponded to an open antagonism manifested in the domestic rhetoric. In particular, the polarisation of the AKP against the Europeanisation process moved by Turkish presidentialism has shown an inconstant evolution in the security policies. Hence, this article proposes to interpret Turkish presidentialism in its political polarisation and nationalism against the EU in the domestic and foreign policies after the presidential turn. The article contends that Ankara’s leadership, albeit it has evolved the country’s governance into a competitive authoritarian governance, the impact of its security policies towards the EU has not favoured an open assertiveness of Turkish behaviour as a middle power.Srednje sile su često države koje podržavaju i slede demokratske principe, pokazujući tu opredeljenost kroz unutrašnju i spoljnu politiku. Međutim, države koje teže da se afirmišu u savremenoj multipolarnosti preferiraju centralizovaniji pristup, usvajajući odlučno ponašanje prema silama ili međunarodnim institucijama koje kritikuju navodnu „autoritarnu vladavinu“. Među takvim zemljama, Turska je kao srednja sila nakon neuspelog puča 2016. godine postepeno pokazuje sve samouverenije ponašanje prema Evropskoj uniji (EU). Koristeći tu konfrontaciju tokom referenduma 2017. godine, vladajuća Partija pravde i razvoja (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi / AKP) uspela je da transformiše Tursku u predsedničku republiku. Ipak, to odlučno ponašanje u turskoj spoljnoj politici (TFP) nije uvek bilo praćeno otvorenim neprijateljstvom u unutrašnjoj retorici. Posebno, polarizacija koju AKP sprovodi prema procesu evropskih integracija, podstaknuta predsedničkim sistemom u Turskoj, pokazala je neujednačeni razvoj kada je reč o bezbednosnim politikama. Stoga, ovaj članak predlaže tumačenje turskog predsedničkog sistema kroz prizmu političke polarizacije i nacionalizma usmerenog protiv EU u unutrašnjoj i spoljnoj politici nakon prelaska na predsedničku vlast. U radu se tvrdi da, iako je liderstvo u Ankari razvilo sistem vlasti u pravcu kompetitivnog autoritarizma, efekat njegovih bezbednosnih politika prema EU nije doprineo otvorenijem i odlučnijem ponašanju Turske kao srednje sile

Hermeneutik der Zukunft als Hermeneutik der technischen Zukunft

The text discusses the challenges that philosophy of technology increasingly faces due to the emergence of new, the so-called transclassical techniques. This applies particularly to the field of technology assessment, where a “hermeneutic turn” is emerging, within which communicative practices and strategies for understanding how to deal with new technologies are being developed, rather than consequentialist, prognostic, and scenario-based approaches. Furthermore, the contribution first highlights the diversity of hermeneutic approaches and then discusses the guiding concept of a “hermeneutics of the future” in the philosophy of technology as the constitutive primacy of the future in the existential sense

Human Needs, and (De)Stereotyping in English Gothic Novels

Kroz različite istorijske periode, smenjivale su se nepisane norme, najčešće bazirane na institucionalnom ili vaninstitucionalnom uticaju koji je u tom razdoblju imao primat nad društvom (kraljevski dvor, crkva, parlament), društveno poželjnog ponašanja. Definišući šta je prihvatljivo, a šta devijantno, politika, religija i ekonomija, mogle su manipulisati ljudskim emocijama i potrebama, podstičući ih ili supresujući. Značajan broj filozofskih i psiholoških analiza i diskusija o gotskoj književnosti ukazao je da dela ovog pravca nisu puka i isprazna „zabava“, kako neki tumači većinu i filmskih i književnih dela horor ili erotske tematike nastoje da uprostie i predstave. U gotici se prožimaju elementi tadašnje stvarnosti, ali i mašte, a u opisima ovog stila fokus se stavlja na fikciju, nestvarno, pa i izopačeno. Kritikujući aristokratiju, zatvorenu u svojim zamkovima i sa tajnama koje je narod mogao samo naslućivati, gotska književnost je obilato opisivala slobodu od ropstva i nametnutih pravila, ulazeći unutar zidina i izmeštajući seksualne sklonosti, incest, ženske potlačenosti u priče na ivici stvarnosti i fikcije.By analyzing people’s behavior and then reducing the socio-psychological complexity of existence and actions to the basic “triggers” of cognitive and emotional reactions, message creators establish and spread policies of consumerism and conformity. In the modern world, which is characterized by a pluralism of ideological, political, and ethical beliefs, but with constant market competition and the imperative of profit as one of the basic motives of all activities, the mass media primarily fulfill the tasks of increasing viewership/readership, as well as shaping the worldview and needs of their audience. (Boskovic et al., 2012:128-129). The aim of this work is to expand the scientific and social discussion about the impact of art on the public, first of all. Analyzing the authentic representatives of the English Gothic novels, we tried to point out how the writers of that time, through the construction of characters, plots, even specific architecture and interiors, tried to broadcast a personal view of the reality of that time, even reflecting their conscious or unconscious self in certain interrelationships in the stories. Gothic, as a term for very authentic architecture, a style of clothing, and a period in the rule of the aristocracy, is also an unquestionable pillar on which the themes of sexuality, terror, fear, and freedom (of authentic thoughts and living) were further elaborated. As in media theories, so above all in psychology and social psychology, it was necessary to determine what is moral and what is unacceptable and deviant. Through different historical periods, unwritten norms changed, most often based on institutional or non-institutional influence that in that period had primacy over society (royal families, church, parliament), about what is socially desirable behavior. By defining what was acceptable and what was deviant, politics, religion, and economics could manipulate human emotions and needs, encouraging them or suppressing them. While on the one hand religion, criminal law, and unwritten customs define sexually desirable behavior and gender roles (women above all), on the other hand it is the media and advertising that use and exploit this topic abundantly, for the needs of consumerism and circulation. A significant number of philosophical and psychological analyzes and discussions about Gothic literature have shown that the works of this direction are not mere and empty “entertainment,” as the majority of film and literary works of horror or erotic themes try to simplify and present. It is Sedgwick who points out that “by calling the Gothic halfway to becoming a language or imagining it to be a crypt, they provoke our curiosity as to what threshold the Gothic raises or what lies in its darkness.” (Sedgwick, 1981: 263). Exactly what we suppress and avoid thinking about because it is “immoral,” “perverse,” or scary, we look for and are provided in literature by artists who either enter the depth and essence of life and relationships or “play” on simple marketing of “forbidden fruit.”Gothic substance is a thing whose materiality is sublimated into freedom from all conditioning factors, making it simultaneously madness, dream, and play. (Brown, 1987:277). Gothic is permeated with elements of the reality of the time, as well as imagination, and in the descriptions of this style, the focus is on fiction, the unreal, and even the perverted. Criticizing the aristocracy, closed in its castles and with secrets that the people could only guess, Gothic literature abundantly described freedom from slavery and imposed rules, through entering the walls and moving sexual tendencies, incest, and female oppression into stories on the edge of reality and fiction

Thomas Reid and the Problem of Architecture

The eighteenth-century Scottish philosopher Thomas Reid (1710–1796) widely as one of as David Hume’s most perceptive contemporary critics, wrote nothing about architecture. In his Essays on the Intellectual Powers published in 1783, however, the essay on “Taste” contains thoughts that are relevant to the aesthetics of architecture. The purpose of this paper is to show that on a central question in the philosophy of architecture, namely “What transforms the activity of building into the art of architecture?,” Reid’s essay can be used to throw more light than the familiar approaches to aesthetics that take their cue from Hume and Kant. The key lies in Reid’s exploration of the relationship between beauty, grandeur and excellence

Glasanje nakon tranzicije: političke preferencije tranzicionih gubitnika u Srbiji

Economic crises create specific social conditions that affect voter preferences and behaviors. The Global Financial Crisis of 2007-2008 reached Serbia a year later, causing a major shock to the fragile Serbian economy, already burdened by the legacies of wars and international isolation during the 1990s, compounded by inequalities and uncertainties stemming from the delayed transition. Subsequent elections brought the collapse of the post-2000 political consensus, with many liberal and social democratic parties never recovering. This led to the domination of the populist Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) in the party system from there on. The main hypothesis of this article posits that the 2008 crisis solidified the pool of transitional losers composed of low skilled workers, the unemployed, low educated, rural populations, and elderly, providing continuous support for SNS ever since. The authors investigate whether the socioeconomic status of these groups still correlates with SNS votes, even though the party has been in power for 12 years. If the correlation stands, it implies that past economic traumas continue to influence voter preferences to this day. The study utilizes original data from two nationwide public opinion surveys.Ekonomske krize stvaraju specifične društvene uslove koji utiču na odluke i ponašanje bira ča. Globalna finansijska kriza iz 2007–2008. godine stigla je u Srbiju godinu dana kasnije, izazvavši veliki šok u ionako krhkoj srpskoj ekonomiji, već opterećenoj nasleđem ratova i me đunarodne izolacije tokom devedesetih godina, kao i nejednakostima i nesigurnostima koje su proizašle iz prolongiranog procesa tranzicije. Izbori koji su usledili su doveli do sloma po litičkog konsenzusa uspostavljenog posle 2000. godine, od čega se mnoge liberalne i soci jaldemokratske partije nikada nisu oporavile. To je ujedno omogućilo dominaciju populističke Srpske napredne stranke (SNS) u partijskom sistemu, koja traje do danas. Glavna hipoteza ovog rada polazi od pretpostavke da je kriza iz 2008. godine učvrstila bazu tranzicionih gu bitnika, koju čine nisko kvalifikovani radnici, nezaposleni, manje obrazovani, ruralno stanov ništvo i starije osobe, a koji od tada kontinuirano pružaju podršku SNS-u. Autori istražuju da li socioekonomski status ovih grupa i dalje korelira sa glasanjem za SNS, iako je ova partija na vlasti već dvanaest godina. Nalazi impliciraju da ekonomske traume iz prošlosti i dalje oblikuju biračke preferencije danas. Studija se oslanja na podatke iz dva nacionalna istraži vanja javnog mnjenja