Claremont Coptic Encyclopedia

YUḤANNA IBN SAWIRUS: UPDATE Sherif Ramzy Keywords: Apologetics–early works to 1800; Arabic Literature; Authors; Christian Arabic Literature; Christian Ethics; Copto-Arabic Literature; Ethics; Manuscripts; Patristics; Theology. 1. Biography of Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus Information concerning YUḤANNA IBN SAWIRUS (al-Kātib al-Miṣrī, author of al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal) is very scarce. What survives is insufficient to ascertain any precise or specific details about his life or the era in which he lived, except what can be inferred from a deep reading of his only surviving work, called Tashīl al-Sabīl fī al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal (Facilitating the Path in Knowledge and Deeds). Through this text, Yūḥannā inscribed his name as one of the leading Coptic writers of the medieval period (Ramzy 2021: 20). Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus was born in Egypt. His name, which appears at both the beginning and the end of his book, unequivocally confirms his identity: Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus al-Kātib al-Miṣrī (“the Egyptian scribe”). It appears that Yūḥannā belonged to the class of scribes entrusted with the administration of government bureaus. However, changes in Egypt’s political climate shortly after AL-ḤĀKIM BI-AMR ILLAH became the Fatimid caliph (996–1021 CE), as well as his relentless pursuit to persecute state officials—and especially Copts (Ramzy 2023: 671)—served as the main impetus behind Yūḥannā’s migration to the city of Antioch, which at that time had come under Byzantine rule after being wrested from the Hamdānids in 969 CE (Ramzy 2021: 21). Within the pages of al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal, Yūḥannā records his observations related to events and people in Egypt before he departed to Antioch, where he also documented his experiences. In Antioch—or nearby—Yūḥannā composed the book, benefiting from the freedom available to him there. The examples and citations he employs in the book indicate that his target audience was primarily the Syriac Christian milieu. A deep reading of al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal reveals a skillful author, who is extensively knowledgeable and well versed in various sciences and literature. This skill is clearly manifest in frequent quotations from the Holy Scriptures and their interpretations, as well as the writings of renowned Church Fathers, ancient philosophers, and prominent writers of the ninth and tenth centuries, both Christian and Muslim alike. Additionally, Yūḥannā’s clear familiarity with historical events and repeated references to specific incidents or notable figures who lived during his time, and whom he personally encountered, underscores his erudition (Ramzy 2021: 22). 2. Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus and His Work al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal in the Writings of Historians The Coptic priest and scholar SHAMS AL-RIʾĀSA ABŪ AL-BARAKĀT IBN KABAR (d. 1324 CE) mentions Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus in the seventh chapter of his encyclopedic work MIṢBĀḤ AL-ẒULMA FĪ ĪḌĀḤ AL-KHIDMA (The Lamp of Darkness and the Clarification of the Service), which is dedicated to discussing Coptic authors and their works (Ibn Kabar 1971: 319). Yūḥannā is also mentioned by al-Shaykh al-Makīn Jirjis ibn al-ʿAmīd (the younger) in his book, Mukhtaṣar al-Bayān fī Taḥqīq al-Īmān, known as al-Ḥāwī (Ibn al-ʿAmīd, n.d.: 104). The first modern mention of Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus is found in the works of Louis Cheikhô, S.J. (1859–1927), who refers to Yūḥannā as “the Coptic Jacobite writer.” Notably, Cheikhô places Yūḥannā among the writers who lived “in the twelfth century” (Cheikhô 1924: 9), a view also adopted by Paul Sbath (Sbath 1938: 71). Georg Graf (1875–1955) also discusses Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus in the section on Arabic writings of the Copts within his renowned encyclopedia Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur (History of Christian Arabic Literature). In Graf’s opinion, Yūḥannā “must have lived after the sons of al-ʿAssāl because Abū Isḥāq [al-Muʾtaman] does not know him.” Based on this belief, and consistent with the date of the oldest surviving manuscript of al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal (i.e., Ms Vatican Arab 117, copied in 1323 CE), as well as the presence of Yūḥannā’s name on the list of authors mentioned by Ibn Kabar, Graf suggests Yūḥannā “lived in the period preceding the first quarter of the fourteenth century.” This view was quoted verbatim by Vincent Frederick in the original Coptic Encyclopedia entry for Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus (Frederick 1991: 2357b–2358a). Graf’s assertion was also noted by Samir Khalil Samir in his introduction to the first part of Miṣbāḥ al-Ẓulma fī Īḍāḥ al-Khidma, where he appended a note to the mention of Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus’s name: “This author likely lived in the thirteenth century” (Ibn Kabar 1971: 319). Kāmil Ṣāliḥ Nakhlah (1883–1957) had earlier held the same view, appointing Yūḥannā to a place among famous writers in the era of Pope CYRIL III IBN LAQLAQ (1235–1243 CE) (Nakhla 2001:77). However, Graf’s notice suffered in its translation from German into Arabic. Kamil William’s translation of Graf’s work asserts that Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus “lived in the first quarter of the fourteenth century” (William, n.d.: 264). This misunderstanding (i.e., missing “the period preceding” in relation to the first quarter of the fourteenth century) was, in turn, quoted verbatim by Athanasius al-Maqārī, who relied entirely on William’s translation of Graf’s text, as he states in the introduction to his book (al-Maqārī 2012: 742). The same error was also copied by both Georges Anawati (Anawati 1989: 221) and Suhayl Qāshā (Qāshā 2003: 368) in their works. This misunderstanding seems to stem from an inaccurate correlation between the time in which Yūḥannā lived and the date of his oldest surviving manuscript. This correlation appears, at first glance, to be inaccurate because there is no doubt that the 1323 CE manuscript was copied from an older one, which itself was likely to have been preceded by even earlier copies. This is evident in the way the book is presented, in its discussion of Yūḥannā in several places using the third person, and clearly shown in the manuscript’s colophon, where the Coptic scribe accurately documents the time and place (the city of Aṭfīḥ al-Sharqiyya) of his copying the manuscript and asks the congregation’s members to pray for him for mercy and forgiveness (Ramzy 2021: 27). Wadi Awad held a similar view to the erroneous assertions, placing Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus “among the early writers of the fourteenth century” (Awad 1998: 461). However, after a careful reading of al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal, Awad revised his opinion to adopt Cheikhô’s view, suggesting that Yūḥannā was born in the late eleventh century or the beginning of the twelfth century, and died in the last decade of the twelfth century (Awad 2012: 73). The historical issue concerning the era in which Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus lived and composed his work cannot be resolved without considering what Yūḥannā himself wrote, and what can be deduced from internal evidence and historical references within al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal. A careful examination of all dates related to figures, events, and historical references mentioned in al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal—which, in their entirety, do not go beyond the first quarter of the eleventh century—supports the hypothesis that Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus flourished during that very same period. An extensive study conducted by this author concludes that Yūḥannā was born and raised in Cairo during the last quarter of the tenth century, and that he later moved to Antioch and flourished there thanks to his writings, most notably al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal, which he completed in the first quarter of the eleventh century (i.e., between 1009 and 1025 CE). He died in the mid-eleventh century at the latest (Ramzy 2021: 30–33). 3. The Works of Yūḥannā Ibn Sāwīrus The only surviving work of Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus is his book al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal and all available information—about Yūḥannā himself or his writings—derives from this book. In his encyclopedia Miṣbāḥ al-Ẓulma fī Īḍāḥ al-Khidma, Shams al-Riʾāsa Abū al-Barakāt ibn Kabar mentions al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal as the sole work of its author, describing it as “a treatise comprising ten chapters” (Ibn Kabar 1971: 319), which likely refers to an abbreviated version of Yūḥannā’s book that was prevalent in Ibn Kabar’s time. A lack of study of the content of this important book has led to a scarcity of information about its author and a lack of accuracy in identifying his other works. It is also most probable that al-Makīn Jirjis ibn al-ʿAmīd’s negative assessment of al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal is connected to an abridged version, which does not truly represent the book in its original form (Ibn al-ʿAmīd, n.d.: 104). Therefore, Ibn al-ʿAmīd’s judgment is unrepresentative of the book’s content and unfair to its author. In modern times, Cheikhô referred to al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal and its manuscript in the Vatican Library, as well as its abridged edition along with the book al-Firdaws al-ʿAqlī, but without addressing Yūḥannā’s other works (Cheikhô 1924: 9, 221). Sbath does not mention any writings by Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus other than al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal (Sbath 1938: 71), and likewise, Graf mentions al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal as Yūḥannā’s only work. But again, Graf’s words should not be taken absolutely; he was likely referring to al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal as the only work of Yūḥannā Ibn Sāwīrus of which some manuscripts have reached us, without addressing his other writings (Graf 1947: 436). Kamil William, in the context of a literal Arabic translation of Graf’s work, limits the works of Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus to “his only work: the book al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal” (William, n.d.: 264), and this statement was subsequently quoted verbatim by Athanasius al-Maqārī (al-Maqārī 2012: 724). The same view was then echoed by Anawati (Anawati 1989:221), Qāshā (Qāshā 2003:368), and Frederick (Frederick 1991:2357b–2358a). In contrast, Awad refers to al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal as “the only known work” of Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus (Awad 1998: 461). He enumerates three works by the same author—benefiting from what was mentioned by the scribe of Ms. Vat.Ar.117—one of them being al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal and the other two now lost (Awad 2012: 74). Through research and scrutiny within the lines of al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal, we may add to these three works a fourth, which was a treatise entitled al-Madkhal ilā ʿUlūm al-Naṣārā (The Introduction to the Sciences of the Christians). Apart from this, we cannot confirm or deny that Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus did not complete other works after al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal that have been lost, like the rest of his writings (Ramzy 2021: 33–39). As for Yuhanna’s known works, which all revolve around educational and apologetic objectives, they are: 1. al-Ifhām baʿd al-Istibhām (Understanding after Inquiry). Yūḥannā repeatedly refers to this work, which discusses the Lord Christ’s wisdom in accepting the pains of the Cross, and follows the approach of earlier scholars. 2. al-Yaqīn baʿd al-Shakk (Certainty after Doubt). In this book—as in al-Ifhām baʿd al-Istibhām—Yūḥannā discusses the laws and teachings established by the Lord Christ, comparing them with the teachings of other religions. 3. al-Madkhal ilā ʿUlūm al-Naṣārā (The Introduction to the Sciences of the Christians). This treatise was written by Yūḥannā to Abū ʿAlī al-Ḥusayn ibn Mawhub, to whom he also addressed al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal. In it, Yūḥannā explains the need to engage in sciences of various kinds and arranges them according to their importance, concluding with the sciences specific to the Christian religion. 4. Tashīl al-Sabīl fī al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal (Facilitation of the Path in Knowledge and Action). Commonly abbreviated as al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmal, this book is the final work of Yūḥannā ibn Sāwīrus that we know of

Patterns of Protest in China, Hong Kong & Taiwan (1989-2024)

Patterns of Protest in China, Hong Kong & Taiwan (1989-2024) In-Person Co-organized by the Asian Library and Pomona College’s Asian Languages and Literatures Department, Professor Jeffrey Wasserstrom’s guest lecture examines protest movements in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan and their link to the legacy of student activism in Republican China

What does Paddington Bear teach us about geography?

Dr. David Seitz (Harvey Mudd College) discusses depictions of immigration, British imperialism and asylum in the well-known English Paddington Bear franchise, which now spans children’s literature, television, film and toys. A stowaway from South America, Paddington famously arrives in London with little more than a small suitcase and a tag that reads, “Please Look After This Bear. Thank You.” Dr. Seitz begins by examining the evolving depiction of academic geography as a tool of British imperialism in the Paddington franchise, following Paddington’s trajectory from an admirer of colonial geography to an unwilling research subject who resists being studied by geographers. Drawing on interviews with Paddington author Michael Bond's contacts in migrant justice movements, he will then argue that while Paddington is steeped in colonial geographical ideas – the bear supposedly originates in “Darkest Peru” – British migrant justice activists have also put the character to work in the service of far more radical and transformative politics

Albert Gayet (1856-1916): Life and Works

GAYET, ALBERT (1856–1916): LIFE AND WORKS Nancy Arthur Hoskins Keywords: Albert Gayet, Albert Jean Marie Phillippe Gayet, Gaston Maspero, Émile Étienne Guimet, Musée Guimet, Musée du Louvre, Antinoöpolis, Antinoé, Coptic textiles, Coptic tapestries, Coptic art, Late Antique textiles, Fauve Art, Henri Matisse, Thaïs. Albert Gayet, originally named Jean Marie Phillippe Albert Gayet, was born 17 September 1856, in Dijon, France to Antoine Gayet and Claudine Émélie Flessière (Hoskins 2004: 5). He died on 9 May 1916 and is buried in Dijon. Albert Gayet became known as “the archaeologist of Antinoé” and his work also contributed to Coptic studies with the 1889 publication of Les Monuments coptes du Musée du Boulaq, the first catalog on Coptic monuments (Hoskins 2004: vii) and L’art copte, published in 1902 (Hoskins 2004: 6). Education and Early Career 1856–1895 Gayet held a diploma from l’École des Hautes Études de Paris, Section d’archéologie et de philogie orientale; was a member of the Société d’archéologie du Caire; and an Archéologue lauréat du Salon. Gayet was a protégé of GASTON CAMILLE CHARLES MASPERO (1846–1916), the French director of the Antiquities Department of Egypt. Maspero called Gayet a “student of Christian archaeology” (Hoskins 2004: 5). In 1881, Gayet joined Maspero’s Mission Archéologique and by 1884 was in charge of a mission in Egypt for the Ministère de l’instruction publique et des Beaux-Arts. As a young archaeologist, Gayet copied the inscriptions at the Temple of Luxor, surveyed the Temple of Dendera, and measured DAYR ANBA HADRA at Aswan. His early archaeological projects in Egypt were published between 1886 and 1902 (Hoskins 2004: 6). Gayet’s Campaigns in Egypt Émile Étienne Guimet (1836–1918) established the Musée Guimet in Paris. He thought that the site of the ancient city of Antinoöpolis (Antinoé), which was founded by the emperor Hadrian in AD 130, would be a promising site for excavation and sponsored Gayet’s first campaign in Antinoé in March 1896. Gayet studied the pharaonic remnants of Antinoé during his initial exploration. In the spring of 1897, Gayet worked at four cemeteries he identified as Pharaonic, Greco-Roman, Byzantine, and Coptic. He gathered the grave goods and brought back to the Musée Guimet an assortment of artifacts that the museum displayed in 1897. His discoveries in Antinoé and descriptions of the exhibited material were published by the museum that same year. This set the precedent for the long list of Gayet’s expeditions, exhibitions, and publications of Coptic art fabrics and artifacts. Guimet sponsored Gayet’s many subsequent campaigns at Antinoé, as did other French institutions. Besides Antinoé, Gayet conducted explorations at Akhmim, Sheikh-Shata, Deir-el-Dyk, and Dronkah between 1896 and 1912 (Hoskins 2004: 6–15; Calament 2005: 113–151). He claimed to have excavated 40,000 graves (Hoskins 2004: 11). Each campaign was described in publications by Gayet. He also presented public programs with females modeling faux Coptic garments. The Exhibitions There were exhibits at the Musée Guimet in 1897, 1898, 1900, 1901, 1902, 1903, 1907, 1908, and 1912 of the grave goods from his campaigns. Archival exhibit photos show the vitrines filled with an assortment of tunics, mantles, shawls, shrouds, head coverings, leggings, shoes, socks, cushion covers, curtains, wall hangings, strips of precious silk, riding coats, mummies, mummy portraits, and woolen tapestry fragments decorated with flora, fauna, figures, geometric motifs, and narrative vignettes in polychrome and monochrome palettes. Guimet wrote, “Mr. Gayet’s archaeological deposits are of the utmost importance . . . and he has found them in such abundance that all of the museums of Europe and France have been supplied” (Rutschowscaya 1990: 16). Gayet’s display of textiles and costumes at the 1900 Exposition universelle de Paris had an impact on the work of Henri Matisse and other Fauve artists (Rutschowscaya 1990: 20–21; Hoskins 2004: 9–10; Hoskins 2022: 134–141). Gayet’s Publications Catalogs, books, and booklets (over twenty of them) were published by Gayet during his campaign years. He discovered the mummy of Thaïs during his 1900–1901 campaign and in 1902 published the story of the sinner who became a saint (Hoskins 2023)—the well-known heroine of Anatole France’s 1890 novel and Jules Massenet’s 1894 opera (Hoskins 2004: 10–12). See a list of Gayet’s publications in the Bibliography. The Gayet Textiles The COPTIC TEXTILES Gayet collected survived in the sands of Egypt after the adoption of Christian burial practices. The deceased, no longer mummified, was dressed and wrapped in clothing or domestic cloth and buried in the dry sand of the desert cemeteries. There are thought to be over 100,000 textiles from the Late Antique graves of Egypt—the majority of them gathered by Gayet. Items ranging from small fragments to complete costumes and large hangings were found in the cemeteries of Coptic Egypt. While ancient Egyptian fabrics were mostly unadorned, undyed, plain weave linens, Gayet discovered colorful dyed wool tapestries, silk samitums, and new types of cloth made into functional and decorative fabrics. The clothes the citizens of Late Antique Egypt wore, and the textiles they used, resemble those woven and worn all over the Roman Empire. The Gayet textiles are important to the history of textiles in the Western world, and via the Silk Road they are connected to Asian fabrics of sophisticated woven silks. The segue of themes and iconography from Classical to Early Christian art can be followed in the vast repertoire of Coptic tapestry art. A sale of Gayet’s Coptic textiles and artifacts was held at the Musée Guimet in 1901. Forty lots, some containing as many as 500 items, were sold. Textile fragments were cut from their original context, divided into lots, auctioned off, and are now in public and private collections around the world (Calament 1989: 336; Rutschowscaya 1990: 150; Hoskins 2004: 20–22; Hoskins 2023). The Gayet textiles at the Musée Guimet were given to the Musée du Louvre in 1947. Other textiles were given to the institutions that sponsored Gayet’s expeditions during his lifetime and were donated to French and other European museums. Numerous collections have been published as scholars search for and document the Late Antique textiles from Gayet’s expeditions in Egypt. Gayet, disillusioned at the end of his life, regretted the dispersion of his Antinoé artifacts and textiles, but his legacy lives on in the Gayet collections in 28 countries (De Moor, Fluck, Linscheid, and Verneulen 2022. 238)

Combining Social and Ecological Insights to Address Conservation Challenges

Conservation is fundamentally about human behavior. Protecting biodiversity and mitigating climate change requires that stakeholders across different sectors and societies cooperate and take action. Dr. Charlotte Chang’s work has used data science techniques ranging from the local scale — focused on interviewing resource users in tropical Asia — to the global scale of social media to elucidate the social, economic and ecological factors that shape human interactions with nature. During this lecture, Dr. Chang (Pomona College) provides examples from China, India and computational social media analyses to illustrate how social-ecological analyses can galvanize environmental conservation

Social Media and the First Amendment

In honor of Constitution Day (typically observed on September 17), The Claremont Colleges Library hosted a Claremont Discourse panel discussion exploring social media and the First Amendment. The panel examined how protected speech on these platforms can create tension with content moderation that seeks to prevent the broader social harm associated with hate speech and misinformation. Also discussed, how government restrictions on social media and other forms of behavior can serve broader political agendas

Good Jobs Versus a Post-Work Society: Diverse Meanings of Work in a Good Life

Which would be better: a society in which all adults capable of working were guaranteed a well-paid job or a society in which people were not forced to sell their labor to live a decent life? Progressives disagree about which vision to fight for. The laborist left prefers job guarantees with social protections tied to jobs, while the post-work left prefers income guarantees that enable adults to devote less time to paid work. There are similar divides among conservative thinkers. However, as Dr. Claudia Strauss found in interviewing unemployed southern Californians from diverse backgrounds and occupations, ordinary Americans have more nuanced views about the place of waged work in a good life. In this talk, Dr. Strauss argues their ways of thinking about work are preferable to either laborist or post-work visions

Creating a Restaurant & Cuisine

Aaron Verzosa, chef and owner of the restaurant Archipelago in Seattle, WA. Aaron has been offering his take on Filipino-American food since he opened Archipelago in 2016. He describes his restaurant as a “small minority, family, and woman-owned Filipino American Social Purpose Corporation” where “we create an interactive experience dedicated to telling the story of how Filipino Americans have contributed to the landscape and history of the Pacific Northwest.” Verzosa is one of a small group of West Coast chefs who are creating a distinctive Asian-American cuisine—this includes Corey Lee at Benu, Brandon Jew at Mr. Jiu’s in San Francisco, and Jon Yao at Kato in Los Angeles. This year he was a James Beard finalist for the Best Chef: Pacific Northwest and Hawaii. In this lecture, Verzosa will talk about the journey that led to Archipelago and walk us through one of his dinners – dish by dish, ingredient by ingredient, yum

Claremont Coptic Encyclopedia

PSEUDO-ATHANASIUS, COPTIC Ibrahim Saweros Keywords: Athanasius of Alexandria, Coptic Literature, Pseudepigrapha, Coptic Church, Pseudo-Athanasius of Alexandria False attribution of Coptic texts to patristic authors is a remarkable phenomenon in COPTIC LITERATURE (see also: COPTIC LITERATURE: UPDATE). Of those authors, it is ATHANASIUS of Alexandria (ca. 296/298–2 May 373) who shines brightly enough to have almost forty texts falsely assigned to his authorship. The titles of these texts have been compiled twice: in print by Bernd Witte (Witte 2011: 394–395) and digitally by Tito Orlandi. These two lists were organized by language, so both include Athanasius’ original texts which were translated from Greek into Coptic, for instance The Life of Antony (CPG 2101). It is noteworthy that Coptic literature preserves more of the pseudo-texts of Athanasius than his genuinely translated ones. Pseudo-Athanasian texts can be divided into several categories depending on their content. Many pseudo-Athanasius texts are merely homilies based on certain Biblical quotations such as On Lazarus Whom Christ Raised from the Dead (CPG 2185; Bernardin 1940: 277–290). This sermon is a kind of text-based homily, marked by the wide use of typical rhetorical Greek devices which brought its Sahidic language to a very high level of formulation (Sheridan 2007: 30–31). Another homily of the same type is On the Suffering of Christ Jesus and on Fear of the Judgment-place (CPG 2184; Bernardin 1937: 114–129), in which the author comments on several Biblical anecdotes that reflect the kindness of the Father. The author begins with the creation of Adam and then notes at his death how the Father grieved when burying Adam’s body. This homily also describes the sadness of the Father during the crucifixion of his Son in long well-written passages. A third example of pseudo-Athanasius homilies based on Scripture is On Luke 11: 5–9 (CPG 2194; Saweros 2019: 1:41–56, 2:33–47). In this narrative, from the title of this sermon, we are told that a group of people begged Athanasius to interpret the parable of the midnight friend. After a short introduction, Athanasius decided to present them with two levels of commentary: a material explanation of the text and another spiritual and symbolic one on the same parable. This homily contains certain ideas influenced by the so-called Coptic Catenae (de Lagarde 1886: 142–145). On Pentecost is the longest pseudo-Athanasian Bible-based homily (CPG 2192; Saweros 2019: 1:57–82, 2:49–74). It is divided into four themes: warnings against sins, the Christian household, wealth and poverty, and proper behavior in the Church. Each theme is marked by lengthy Biblical quotations. This homily is entirely a paraenetic speech, with no storytelling. On Soul and Body (CPG 2004; Orlandi 2003: 12–40) is another pseudo-Athanasian homiletic text in which the anecdote of Christ descending to hell is well explained. On Matthew 20: 1–16 (CPG 2181; Budge 1910: 80–89, 226–234) is another example for text-based homilies, in which the anonymous author carefully interprets the parable of the workers in the vineyard. Separate from the homilies related to the Bible, there are few homilies connecting Athanasius with the Pachomian monastic communities in Upper Egypt (Veilleux 1980: 51, 317). One appears in a single fragment (van der Vliet 1992: 25–26) and the other is preserved completely in On Murder and Greed and on Michael, the Archangel (CPG 2191; Saweros 2019: 1:17–40, 2:13–31). In the latter, Athanasius appears as the preacher and main actor in the events. Several marvels narrated in the homily reflect cooperation between the official Church represented by Athanasius and the monastic movement presented by PACHOMIUS, in addition to highlighting Pachomius’ holiness and Athanasius’ humility. Pseudo-encomiums are also attributed to Athanasius. Coptic literature mostly connects his name with the two archangels Michael and Gabriel (CPG 2197; Saweros 2019: 1:3–15, 2:1–12). These encomiums give reasons for the celebration dates for the archangels, encourage the congregation to visit their chapels, and recount some miracles that occur on their feast eve. On Leviticus 21:9 (CPG 2195; Martinez 1985: 285–456) is an apocalypse in which Athanasius foretells the Arab conquest of Egypt coming about as a direct result of the grave sins of priests and monks. In Coptic liturgy, a sermon attributed to Athanasius is recited on the eleventh hour of Holy Friday. This short text (Burmester 1932: 66) encourages listeners to bind themselves to God’s law. The aforementioned texts do not form a single corpus attributed to a certain author, and they can be called an Athanasian literary cycle only with much caution (Orlandi 1991b: 666–667; Saweros 2017: 138–151), as each is an independent text in sources, genre, purpose, and date. When examining false attributions, in some cases the name of Athanasius only appears in the title, as in On Pentecost, and he plays no role in the text itself. This gives the impression that the homily was circulated anonymously, and at a certain point the name of Athanasius was added to lend it a better reputation. This might have happened during a time of haste, for instance, while copying texts under the difficult circumstances after the Arab conquest. Other texts that may support this theory are The Testaments of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (Kuhn 1957: 226), which circulated under the name of Athanasius only in Bohairic, while their Sahidic versions lack a named author. The Sahidic version of On Body and Soul is attributed to Athanasius, while its Syriac version is assigned to his predecessor ALEXANDER of Alexandria (Budge 1910: xlv–xlix). The final example is the Apocalypse of Paul, which circulated as a pseudo-Athanasian text in its Arabic version (Lanzillotta and van der Vliet 2023: 411). In all cases the text was composed first, and its false attribution was a later addition (Schneider 2017: 123). The genre of this collection varies considerably, but this is unsurprising as Coptic scribes generally do not differentiate their terminology in labeling any work. Terms like homily, encomium, life, ascetic acts, and martyrdom replace each other freely (Sheridan 2007: 28–29). This collection is marked by long paraenetic speeches, and every text presents more than one theme and genre. For example, in On Murder and Greed and on Michael, the Archangel there are praises to the archangels and the archimandrite Pachomius, marvels narrated by Athanasius, and commentaries on the monastic life in Upper Egypt. I avoid discussing composition dates for every text since each one went through a long journey of transmission during which it was edited and reedited several times; consequently, every text deserves its own long case study. But none of them are historically close in date to the time of Athanasius. The purpose for composing all these texts is to facilitate their inclusion into liturgy. The texts concerning Biblical anecdotes were composed for the major feasts of the liturgical year (Bernardin 1937: 114), and the others about the angels fit with their annual celebrations. The sources used by the anonymous writers who prepared these texts are very diverse. In addition to the Bible, apocryphal texts are quoted: for example, The Life of Adam and Eve (Stone 1993: 148–149) is quoted in On Michael and Gabriel. The Gospel according to the Hebrews (Ehrman and Pleše 2011: 216–222) is quoted in Luke 11:5–9. Other pseudo-Coptic writings are quoted as well, such as On Gabriel attributed to Celestinus of Rome (Worrell 1923: 351–356), and On Riches and on Michael, the Archangel attributed to Peter of Alexandria (Pearson and Vivian 1993: 68–93) is also quoted in On Michael and Gabriel. In addition, historical sources which are rarely attested elsewhere in Coptic literature, such as The Jewish Antiquities of Flavius Josephus (Marqus 1934: 174–185) and the Physiologus (Suciu 2014: 681–683), are quoted. To make those texts livelier and connect them more firmly with the alleged author, three stages of Athanasius’ life were adapted: the archbishop of Alexandria and the archimandrite of Upper Egypt Pachomius support each other; Athanasius faces the Arians with all available means; and Athanasius as the major hero of the Nicene council. Choosing these anecdotes may refer to the changes that happened in the Coptic Church itself as that church started to think about and rebuild itself as an independent national church after being shocked by the conclusions of the Council of Chalcedon in 451 and the Arab Conquest of 642 (Orlandi 1991a: 1457–1478). This collection of texts can also be understood in a different way in light of the new advancement of memory studies methodology (Saweros 2021: 187–201). Athanasius’ personality was intentionally reformed through time in the memory of the Copts, like the Coptic Church itself. We barely notice any high-level theological debate in these texts; thus, Athanasius as a theologian is no longer required. In them he is reformed and presented as a kind of simple monk who preaches on spiritual issues and recounts marvelous stories (Gwynn 2011: 44–46). Coptic literature produced in the monastic milieu generally portrayed Athanasius in this way. He is looked to as the Church’s defender against heresies, yet at the same time nothing is said to explain those heretical beliefs. He invites his audience to attach itself to himself and the Church without taking any trouble to explain why they should. The pseudo-Athanasian texts are a tool to reformulate Athanasius’s personality in a certain way that fit the newly established national Coptic Church and to witness to such reform at the same time. While it is difficult to study all the conditions of producing this collection of texts, they continue to be faithful evidence to the living Coptic past that still has its wide influence on the Coptic Church until today. (1) On the authenticity of these texts, scholars usually follow Brakke’s rubrics (Brakke 1994: 17). Discussing the authenticity of each text is beyond the scope of this paper

Dayr Al-Suryan: 2023 update of new discoveries

Claremont Coptic Encyclopedia 15 August 2023 © Claremont Graduate University 1 DAYR AL-SURYAN: 2023 UPDATE OF NEW DISCOVERIES Karel C. Innemée Keywords: Archaeology, Architecture, Coptic Art, Coptic Churches, Coptic Iconography, Coptic Language, Coptic Monasteries, Scetis, Syriac language, Wādī al-Natrūn 1. Introduction 1.1 History of the monastery 1.2. History of the church building 1.2.1. The seventh century 1.2.2. The tenth century 1.2.3. The thirteenth to eighteenth centuries 2. The Mural Paintings on Layer 1 3. Paintings on Layer 2 3.1. Dado 3.2. Crosses and peacocks 3.3. The half-domes 3.3.1. The Annunciation 3.3.2. The Epiphany 3.3.3. The earlier apse 3.3.4. The southern half-dome 3.4. Other paintings in the khurus 3.4.1. Virgin Galaktotrophousa 3.4.2. Sergius and Bacchus 3.4.3. Monks on half-columns 3.4.3.1. Anonymous monk 3.4.3.2. Abba Apollo 3.4.4. Three mounted saints 3.4.5. Holy doctor (Saint Colluthos?) 3.4.6. Saints Cosmas and Damian 3.4.7. Saint James Minor and another saint adoring the Cross 3.4.8. Saint Luke and Saint Barnabas 3.4.9. Standing saint in ecclesiastical dress 3.4.10. Saint Pisentius and Saint Apakir 3.5. Paintings in the nave 3.5.1. Paintings on the eastern wall of the nave 3.5.2. The western wall 3.5.3. The mortuary chapel of Maqari 3.5.3.1. Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob 3.5.3.2. Saint Macarius the Egyptian and the cherub 3.5.3.3. Two saints on horseback 3.5.3.4. Double composition on the eastern wall 3.5.4. Virgin Galaktotrophousa 3.5.5. Crosses in blocked windows 3.5.6. Informal decorations K. Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: 2023 Update of New Discoveries 15 August 2023 © Claremont Graduate University 2 4. Paintings on Layer 3 4.1. The khurus 4.1.1. Paintings in the dome 4.1.1.1. Lower zone: Minor prophets 4.1.1.2. Narrative scenes 4.1.2. The square zone under the dome 4.1.2.1. Abgar and Constantine 4.1.2.2. Saint Philip and the chamberlain of the Candace 4.1.2.3. Saint Andrew and the dog-headed cannibals 4.1.2.4. Saint Thomas and King Gundaphoras 4.1.2.5. Saint Gregory the Illuminator 4.1.2.6. Crosses 4.1.2.7. Dormition, Assumption, and Glory of the Virgin 4.2. The sanctuary (haykal) 4.2.1. Paintings in the dome 4.2.1.1. Floral patterns 4.2.1.2 General observations 4.2.2. Paintings below the dome 4.3. Paintings in the nave 4.3.1. Paintings on the eastern wall 4.3.2. The Nativity 4.3.3. Unidentified scene (multiplication of bread?) 4.3.5. The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste 4.3.6. The niche of the relic shrine 5. Paintings on Layer 4 5.1. The semi-domes 5.1.1. The southern semi-dome 5.1.2. The western semi-dome 5.1.3. The northern semi-dome 5.2. Paintings in the nave 5.2.1. The eastern wall 5.2.1.1. Jacob of Saruj 5.2.1.2. The Archangel Michael, Dorotheus, and Theopiste 5.2.1.3. Military saint 5.2.1.4. Deesis 5.2.2. The western wall 5.2.3. The northern wall 5.2.4. The southern wall of the southern side-aisle 5.2.4.1. Monastic saints 5.2.4.2. Three mounted saints and a standing figure 5.2.4.3. Scenes from the Book of Daniel 5.2.5. The northern wall of the northern side-aisle 5.2.6. The southern intrados of the second khurus 5.2.7. The northern intrados of the second khurus 5.2.8. Paintings on columns: Severus, Dioscorus, and an unknown figure K. Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: 2023 Update of New Discoveries 15 August 2023 © Claremont Graduate University 3 6. Inscriptions 6.1. Southern wall of the southern side-aisle 6.2. Eastern wall of the nave 6.3. Inscription of Mattay and Yaʿqub 7. The Chapel of the 49 Martyrs 8. Iconography, Painting Technique, and Authorship K. Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: 2023 Update of New Discoveries 15 August 2023 © Claremont Graduate University 4 1. Introduction This entry expands and updates the earlier CCE entry entitled DAYR AL-SURYAN: NEW DISCOVERIES (Innemée 2016). 1.1. History of the monastery DAYR AL-SURYAN was founded by monks from the neighboring monastery DAYR ANBA BISHOI in the sixth century, when a dispute over the human nature of the body of Christ caused a split in the community of that monastery. Those who held the orthodox view that Christ had a human body, and that therefore the Virgin Mary was his mother in the physical sense, left and founded a new community at a close distance. To underline their theological conviction, this new monastery and its church were dedicated to the Holy Virgin. This Monastery of the Holy Virgin of Anba Bishoi later became known as the Monastery of the Syrians (Dayr al- Suryan), after a group of Syriac monks settled there. Until recently, this was believed to have happened after the monastery’s sale to a group of Syriac monks at the beginning of the eighth century, but now we know this sale never took place, and the first Syriac monks may have arrived around or shortly after the year 800. Before 817, the monastery was attacked by Berbers and must have suffered considerable damage; with the support of the newly arrived Syrian monks, the monastery was restored and surrounded by a defensive wall. From the ninth century onward, the monastery was inhabited by a mixed population of Coptic and Syrian monks. During the ninth and tenth centuries an exceptionally rich library of Syriac (and later also of Arabic) manuscripts was collected in the monastery. Moses of Nisibis, an abbot of the monastery in the beginning of the tenth century, played an important role in these acquisitions. He ordered the construction of the church’s wooden doors with ivory inlay and was possibly one of the people who commissioned wall paintings in the church (see SYRIAN INFLUENCES ON COPTIC ART). During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the Syrian population of the monastery gradually died out, and Coptic monks remained as its inhabitants. 1.2. History of the church building The monastery was founded in the sixth century and one can hardly imagine that it did not have its own church. There are reasons to believe that an earlier church stood at the same site. Excavations in the church narthex have revealed remains of an older building and yielded large quantities of decorative stucco work and painted plaster. 1.2.1. The seventh century The church of the Holy Virgin must have been built in the middle of the seventh century (Grossmann 2002: 73). It was designed as a three-aisled BASILICA, built of irregular limestone blocks and mud mortar, with a wooden roof. It had an element that was new for its time: a KHURUS (from the Greek choros, which means choir). This is an area of the church functioning as a transition between the NAVE and the sanctuary (HAYKAL). Another characteristic feature of the church is the fact that it had four semi-domes: an eastern APSE, two semi-domes at the northern and southern ends of the khurus, and one at the western end of the nave. The three-aisled nave had a return aisle as part of the traditional Coptic church plan. The nave had two rows of five columns on the northern and southern sides, ending in an L-shaped corner pier with attached half-columns in the west, while there were two attached half-columns on the eastern wall separating the nave from the khurus (Fig. 1). These half-columns, K. Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: 2023 Update of New Discoveries 15 August 2023 © Claremont Graduate University 5 Fig. 1 (scale in cm) K. Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: 2023 Update of New Discoveries 15 August 2023 © Claremont Graduate University 6 columns, and corner piers supported wooden architraves on which the clerestory zone was constructed. In this clerestory zone there were fourteen windows: six in each sidewall and two in the western wall. The sidewall windows were positioned over the bays. Between the windows and over the columns, consoles were located. These consoles were constructed of red brick, supported by wooden beams inserted into the wall. The consoles were doubtlessly meant to support the horizontal beams that were the basis of the roof construction. At ground floor level in the side-aisles, there were windows as well: seven in the southern wall and six in the northern wall. The church had two entrances: one in the west, and one in the northern wall in the third bay from the east. At the time the church was built it must have been a freestanding building. The monastery’s defensive perimeter wall that now stands directly against the church’s southern side and blocks its windows at ground floor level was probably not built before the ninth century, and only then did the windows in the southern aisle lose their function. The khurus, now relatively dark, must have been much lighter, with four open windows at ground floor level. The southern windows were blocked by the construction of the perimeter wall, while the windows in the northern wall lost their function when the adjacent Chapel of the 49 Martyrs was built, probably during the tenth century. In contrast to the nave, the eastern part of the church was roofed in stone, with a TRICONCH over the sanctuary and the northern and southern end of the khurus, and a central dome over the khurus. The endings of the khurus have a rectangular plan, and the semi-domes originally rested on a wooden construction in the corners. It is possible that the haykal had a similar construction for its apse. Two PASTOFORIA flanked the haykal, were accessible from the khurus, and probably connected with the haykal. No major modifications took place in the building until the early tenth century. Possibly around 800, the doorways from the khurus to the pastoforia were changed. In the original construction these doorways were low and acentric, the entrance to the northern pastoforion being to the far north, and that to the southern pastoforion to the far south of the wall. At some point, the doorways were moved to the center and made higher, with an arch. This modification may relate to a change in function. The northern pastoforion may have been turned into a sanctuary for newly arrived Syriac monks, which would require better accessibility and a more monumental entrance. The painting over the arch, in which Saint James, Brother of Jesus and author of the Syriac liturgy, is prominently depicted, may be taken as an indication of this change in function (Innemée 2004). 1.2.2. The tenth century In the tenth century, numerous changes and renovations were made to the building. Moses of Nisibis, abbot in the early tenth century, was the driving force behind these activities. The first step must have been the addition of painted decoration to the upper zones of the walls. In the khurus, the upper walls were covered with a thin layer of plaster as a carrier for these paintings, but in the nave, where the surface of the upper walls was less flat and regular, a much thicker layer was applied, especially on the sloping lower edges of the windows, in order to create a flat background. Probably not long afterward a major modification was made to the building: the apse was replaced by a new sanctuary, square in plan with a dome of the same height as the dome over the khurus. The inner walls of the haykal at a lower level (up to approximately 3.5m height) were decorated with delicate stucco works, probably by artists from Syria. They have certain similarities to stuccos in the mosque of Ibn Tulun in Cairo as well as stucco work from Samarra. The higher surfaces were decorated with paintings, of which only fragments remain. The elaborate paintings in the dome, however, survive almost entirely. Two sets of wooden doors with ivory inlay were constructed: one between the khurus and the haykal, and a second set between the nave and the khurus. K. Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: 2023 Update of New Discoveries 15 August 2023 © Claremont Graduate University 7 1.2.3. The thirteenth to eighteenth centuries The current shape of the building is largely the result of much later reconstructions made between the thirteenth and the eighteenth centuries. In the thirteenth century, the wooden roofs over the side aisles were replaced by barrel and cross vaults, and in the eighteenth century, the same was done in the central nave. In order to support the weight of this barrel vault, it was necessary to incorporate the existing columns into the heavy piers and walls that now dominate the interior of the nave. In 1782 the church was reconsecrated, which means it had been out of use, probably for renovation. This must have included several activities, such as blocking the windows in the barrel vault over the nave, but it certainly included the replastering of all the walls, except for the three semi-domes. This situation remained unchanged until 1991, when the painting of the Annunciation in the western semi-dome was discovered after a fire severely damaged the painting of the Ascension that had been painted on a layer of plaster covering it. In 1995, the first tests were made to investigate the possible presence of other paintings underneath the eighteenth-century plaster. This has resulted so far in the discovery of several additional paintings. 2. The Mural Paintings on Layer 1 Shortly after the church was finished, its interior was plastered and whitewashed. This layer was decorated with simple, mostly decorative paintings in red and yellow ochre. In a few places the remains of these paintings are visible, though most of them have been covered by later layers of plaster. Up to approximately one meter high a monochrome red dado zone was painted on certain walls. On the western walls in the khurus evidence of this zone was found. In the niches in the upper eastern wall of the nave, decorative patterns are shimmering through the later decorative crosses that must have been painted here in the eighth century. Some other clear examples are the orange crosses that can be seen on the upper parts of the walls of the khurus. 3. Paintings on Layer 2 3.1. Dado One of the first, if not the first, part of the paintings of Layer 2 was a dado decoration that must have covered the lower part of the walls in the entire church. It was done on what is a thick layer of whitewash, rather than a thin layer of plaster. There is a clear terminus post quem for this phase of the decoration: a commemorative inscription on the right side of the entrance in the northern wall, dated to 15 February 714. The fact that this inscription, executed in red on the whitewash, still looks quite fresh could mean that a next layer of fresh whitewash was applied soon after this date. Remains of this Fig. 2 K. Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: 2023 Update of New Discoveries 15 August 2023 © Claremont Graduate University 8 dado are found on all church walls. It consists of a two-meter-high painted imitation of slender columns supporting an architrave that consists of triangular pieces in different colors, probably meant to imitate marble and granite inlay. Between the columns there are rectangular surfaces imitating marble inlay work (Fig. 2). This dado was the basic decoration. Over it, and higher on the walls, several panels containing mostly representations of saints were painted in later years. The main reason for choosing this system of decoration seems to be that the figurative paintings were out of reach. 3.2. Crosses and peacocks On the upper walls of the khurus and the upper part of the eastern wall of the nave, there are red crosses of a model resembling the Maltese cross. They are encircled with green wreaths and floral decoration. They belong to the same phase as the peacocks painted in the triangular surfaces flanking the arches to the semi-domes and the apse in the khurus, and probably are to be dated to the first half of the eighth century. 3.3. The half-domes Today the church has three half-domes: one in the western wall of the nave, and two more in the southern and northern end of the khurus. Originally the church had an eastern apse as well, which was replaced with a square, domed sanctuary in the early tenth century. The intrados of the arches of the semi-domes were once supported by wooden centerings that had a constructive function during the church’s building. Normally such supports for arches and vaults are removed after building is completed, but in this case, they remained and were decorated and incorporated into the architecture.1 These wooden arches were removed during the various renovations the church underwent. In the arch between the nave and khurus and the other semi-domes, remains of decayed wood and impressions of wood in the mortar were found as evidence of the former presence of these centerings. In the western semi-dome, the support was replaced with a brick arch. The thirteenth-century paintings in the half-domes form a cycle with scenes from the lives of Christ and the Virgin. These scenes are partly a repetition of the eighth-century paintings in the half-domes. The Annunciation in the western half-dome was followed by the Epiphany in the northern conch, there was an Ascension in the eastern apse, and the final scene in the southern conch was probably that of Pentecost. 3.3.1. The Annunciation Discovered in 1991 after a fire that necessitated the detachment of the superimposed painting of the Ascension, this painting is one of the most extraordinary in Christian Egyptian art (Fig. 3). The central part shows the Virgin seated on a throne, approached from the right by the ARCHANGEL GABRIEL. The Annunciation itself is flanked by four Old Testament prophets. To the left are Moses and Isaiah, and to the right Ezekiel and Daniel. Each of the prophets holds an opened scroll in his hands. These scrolls contain texts from their writings that foretell the birth of the Messiah in Christian interpretation. Three of the four prophets are dressed in a traditional late-antique tunic and pallium, while Daniel wears Persian dress: a short tunic with trousers and a Phrygian cap, referring to his stay in Babylon. The backdrop of this scene must represent the town of Nazareth. Its architecture is surprisingly symmetrical, which is slightly obscured by the large lacuna in the middle of the painting. This way of representing architecture resembles some of the details in the mosaics of the Umayyad mosque in Damascus, made at the end of the seventh century. Between the K. Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: 2023 Update of New Discoveries 15 August 2023 © Claremont Graduate University 9 pagoda-like towers and roofs of the town there are two trees. The left one, in the background behind Moses, has red lines around its branches as if to evoke the burning bush, an image often used as a symbolic parallel to the virgin conception: God’s fiery presence in the bush did not damage it, just as his Incarnation did not affect Mary’s virginity. 3.3.2. The Epiphany The northern half-dome contained a thirteenth-century painting of the DORMITION of the Virgin, painted on Layer 4. The layer of plaster on which this painting was made was in such bad condition and its fixation to the underlying painting was so weak that in 2006, after pieces of the painting started to fall, a decision was made to separate the two layers. After removal of the Dormition painting layer, a representation of the Epiphany appeared (Fig. 4). This composition consists of three main parts: middle, right, and left. In the center, there is a representation of the Virgin Mary seated on a richly decorated throne. On her lap she holds an oval on which the infant Christ is represented with certain characteristics of an adult (Christ Emmanuel). Although much of this figure is lost, it is clear that Christ was dressed in a tunic and pallium, while holding a book in his left hand and making a gesture of blessing with his right hand. Over the Virgin’s head, in the top of the conch, the star of Bethlehem is visible against a dark blue background. On either side of the Virgin stands an archangel: to the left Michael, to the right Gabriel. Their names are (partly) legible in Greek inscriptions at the bottom edge of the painting. The left part of the composition is filled with the figures of the three Magi. The upper part of their bodies is rather heavily damaged; their lower part is better preserved. The figure to the far left is dressed in a tunic and mantle; the other two wear trousers under short tunics. All three are wearing Phrygian caps on their heads. Two names, written below the figures of the Magi, are still legible. The one to the far left is called Dikastia, the middle one Melchior. Fig. 3 K. Innemée, Dayr al-Suryan: 2023 Update of New Discoveries 15 August 2023 © Claremont Graduate University 10 Between the heads of the Magi, although heavily damaged, the heads of their horses are visible. In the sky above them, an angel with both arms outstretched has been painted. To the left of the Virgin the adoration of the shepherds is depicted. Three persons in short tunics with bare legs are standing in a landscape with trees in the background and rams (but curiously enough no ewes) around their feet. An angel in the sky, symmetrical in position and gesticulation to the angel on the left, is announces the birth of Christ to the shepherds. The fact that the painting shows the adoration of Christ by Magi and shepherds and makes only minor reference to his birth in Bethlehem (the star is in fact the only element) is reason to identify this representation as an Epiphany scene, rather than a Nativity. The composition shows a striking similarity with one of the Monza ampullae where the same theme is depicted. These pilgrims’ souvenirs from the fifth to seventh centuries are supposed to carry representations of holy places in Palestine, and one of them shows a miniature of the apse decoration in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, which was destroyed during the Persian conquest at the beginning of the seventh century (Grabar and Fourmont 1958: Plates I and II). The similarity with the painting in Dayr al-Suryan could mean that it was a copy of the lost apse in Bethlehem. The