Claremont Coptic Encyclopedia

OLD TESTAMENT, COPTIC VERSIONS OF THE: UPDATE Frank Feder Keywords: Coptic Bible, Coptic Versions of the Septuagint, Coptic Literary Dialects, Sahidic Standard Translation 4th/5th century, Coptic Literature, Coptic Manuscripts, Miscellany Manuscripts, Coptic Glosses in Greek Bible Manuscripts, Monastic Movement in Egypt, Shenoute, Athanasius’ Biblical Canon, Textual History of the Septuagint, Digital Edition. 1. Preface 2. The Emergence of Coptic Biblical Translations 2.1. The oldest witnesses of Coptic biblical translations: Coptic glossing to Greek biblical texts 2.2. The first Coptic manuscripts with biblical translations: Miscellany manuscripts of the fourth century 2.3. Coptic biblical translations in the fourth century and the Sahidic Standard Translation 2.3.1. The place of the Sahidic fourth-century manuscripts in comparison to the Sahidic Standard Translation 3. The Fate of the Biblical Translations of the Other Coptic Literary Dialects 3.1. The short-lived versions 3.2. The long-lived versions 3.2.1. The Fayyumic version 3.2.2. The Bohairic version 4. The State of the Reconstruction and Edition of the Manuscript Sources of the Coptic Version of the Old Testament 4.1. The first initiative for a systematic reconstruction of the Sahidic Old Testament 4.2. The complete digital edition and translation of the Sahidic Old Testament and current research on the Coptic Bible in the digital age 5. The Place of the Coptic Versions of the Old Testament in the Textual History of the Septuagint (LXX) 5.1. Pentateuch 5.2. Historical books 5.3. Poetical and wisdom books 5.4. Prophetical books   1. Preface In the more than thirty years that have passed since the publication of Peter Nagel’s OLD TESTAMENT, COPTIC TRANSLATIONS OF (1991), not only has immense progress been made in documenting and reconstructing the notoriously fragmentary and dispersed manuscript record of the Coptic Bible, but also new methods and tools have been developed that greatly facilitate the study of the Coptic versions. The advent of the “digital age,” especially in the last decade, has brought about a paradigm shift for the study and exploration of the Coptic versions. More than three generations of scholars, from the nineteenth to the end of the twentieth century, tried in vain to overcome the obstacles of the dispersal and fragmentation of the manuscripts and (to an equal extent) their state of publication, in order to produce a printed edition of the Coptic Old Testament—at least comparable to Horner’s edition of the Bohairic and Sahidic New Testament (see NEW TESTAMENT, COPTIC VERSIONS OF THE). It is only very recently that databases, digital imaging, and the internet have provided the means for successful realization of this extraordinary enterprise. As will become clear in the following, this article cannot be merely an update to the (short) 1991 article but must provide nothing less than a reassessment of the entire topic. For the sake of conciseness, and to avoiding overloading the bibliography with individual publications, mainly recent and comprehensive overview articles and books are listed, and, wherever possible, publicly accessible online references and resources are quoted. Nevertheless, it is foreseeable that future progress in the work of the Göttingen CoptOT project will soon make it necessary to update this update, especially with regard to the textual history of the Coptic versions in comparison to one another and their place within the textual history of the Septuagint (LXX). 2. The Emergence of Coptic Biblical Translations The first three centuries CE certainly witnessed a gradual development of Christian communities in Egypt. There can be no doubt that, in the beginning, the Christian mission and its texts were transmitted more or less exclusively in Greek. Egypt’s strong bilingual milieus in the Metropoleis were the natural recipients for this (Feder 2020a: 213–214; Feder 2020c: 643–644; Feder 2022b: 66–67). This is aptly confirmed by the earliest manuscripts containing Christian texts from Egypt. Although secure dating of these manuscripts is still a delicate matter, we can currently say with a fair degree of certainty that the oldest manuscripts with Christian texts can, arguably, be dated to the third century CE (Bagnall 2009; Nongbri 2018). These manuscripts were mainly acquired by European and American collectors and are now in collections outside of Egypt. Their exact findspots remain mostly unknown, and their original affiliation with a particular library (private or “monastic”) is also highly debated and uncertain. Two of the most important groups of early manuscripts with Christian texts are known as the CHESTER BEATTY BIBLICAL PAPYRI and the BODMER PAPYRI. A third important group, this time with a secure provenance, are manuscripts from Oxyrhynchos. In this context, we will speak of Christian or biblical texts/books because—as will become clear in the following—for the time before ATHANASIUS of Alexandria (archbishop 328–373); we cannot assume a closed and clearly defined canon of books that corresponds even approximately to the Old and New Testament as we know them from the Greek pandect Bibles of the fourth century. The Chester Beatty Papyri (Nongbri 2018: 130–134) originate probably from the region between Aphroditopolis and Beni Suef (Nongbri 2018: 122–130) in the Nile Valley, not far from the Fayyum Oasis. These papyrus manuscripts include biblical texts (from the Septuagint and from the collection of texts that later became known as the New Testament), as well as some texts, like the Letter of Enoch or the Apocryphon of Ezekiel, which were later considered non-canonical or even heretical. All of these texts are in Greek and have been dated to the third and fourth centuries (some even to the second, although this is unlikely). The Bodmer Papyri (Nongbri 2018: 168–194) form a very heterogenous group of manuscripts that most likely originate from different locations in Upper Egypt (more precisely, from the Panopolites (see AKHMIM), which is, however, not more than an informed guess). The papyrus and parchment manuscripts contain liturgical texts, biblical texts (which later became part of the OT and NT), apocryphal texts (later considered non-canonical or even heretical), and even classical (non-Christian) texts in Greek, Coptic, and Latin. Taking into account again the problems of dating, the manuscripts that could be dated to the third century are almost exclusively Greek. The papyrus and parchment manuscripts from Oxyrhynchos come from the rubbish mounds of the ancient city, alongside all kinds of documents and classical literature (Nongbri 2018: 224: “the whole spectrum of Greek writing from an Egyptian town in the Roman era”); they include a significant amount of Christian literature with a strong biblical stratum, datable from the second to the seventh century (Nongbri 2018: 228–246). Coptic manuscripts from Oxyrhynchos are rather an exception and do not seem to date before the fourth century (Nongbri 2018: 231). 2.1. The oldest witnesses of Coptic biblical translations: Coptic glossing to Greek biblical texts If we summarize the cultural background of the Hellenized culture in Roman Egypt and the bilingual milieus in the Egyptian cities, as well as what is known about the earliest surviving Christian texts, it seems in some ways logical that the earliest witnesses of Coptic biblical translations, or, more precisely, of biblical “text work” by Egyptian “philologists,” are Egyptian glosses or “annotations” in the margins of Greek manuscripts. The custom of glossing or “annotating” manuscripts may have been adopted from a longstanding (pharaonic) Egyptian tradition still active in the second century CE (Feder 2020c: 644–646). The papyrus codex VII from the Chester Beatty Papyri with the Greek book of Isaiah (TM 61951; LXX MS 965), dated to the mid-third–early fourth century, contains a significant number of Coptic “annotations” (ca. 30; Wagner 2021: 293–295) in Greek letters (still without the signs borrowed from Demotic; Wagner 2021: 406–407). The fragmentary state of the manuscript makes it very likely that many more glosses have been lost. Apart from the fact that the Demotic signs—representing the Egyptian phonemes unknown to Greek, used irregularly in Pre-Coptic (see OLD COPTIC, and ALPHABETS, OLD COPTIC), and as a standardized set of five or six letters in the developed writing system of the Coptic dialects (see ALPHABETS, COPTIC)—are absent, the glosses clearly show a still barely standardized form of Fayyumic which is not free of Mesokemic influence and arguably quite typical for the region between the Fayyum Oasis and the nearby Nile Valley. Provided that MS 965 was actually written in the third century, we have good reasons to assume that the glosses could have been added still in the third or in the early fourth century. Another important early manuscript is the papyrus codex of the Minor Prophets in the Freer Collection in Washington (TM 61966; LXX MS: W) which has been dated to the third–fourth century. In contrast to the Coptic glosses in the Chester Beatty Isaiah papyrus, the approximately 20 glosses reveal a well-standardized Sahidic close to that of the Sahidic biblical manuscripts of the fourth century. This led Wagner to the suggestion that “W’s annotators copied them (i.e., the glosses FF), perhaps all, of their Sahidic notes from one or more Sahidic biblical manuscripts” (Wagner 2021: 274–275). Since this can hardly have happened in the third century, there are two possible explanations for this phenomenon. Either W has to be dated to the fourth century, or, if we insist on dating W to the third century, the Sahidic glosses must have been added considerably later. A third important example is a fragmentary papyrus leaf in the British Museum (EA 10825) with a Greek–Coptic glossary to Hosea and Amos (TM 61982). The glossary is written on the verso; on the recto we find a Greek land register dated around 200 CE, while the glossary itself is dated to the third–fourth century. The papyrus was presumably found in the region of Oxyrhynchos. The glossary was organized in columns each containing first Greek words or phrases, often in abbreviated form, from the books of Hosea and Amos, to which a Coptic translation was then added. As the editors (Bell and Thompson 1925) correctly noted, the Coptic idiom is clearly Mesokemic (see: MESOKEMIC (or Middle Egyptian)). Since a Mesokemic version of the Minor Prophets has otherwise not survived we cannot directly compare the phrases of the glossary with the later and well-standardized texts of this dialect. However, the textual form of the Coptic translation in this glossary does not have much in common with the other extant Coptic versions either (Sahidic, Akhmimic, and Bohairic). Although further research certainly will shed more light on this matter, we can at least confirm from the dialect that the papyrus does indeed originate from the Oxyrhynchite region. 2.2. The first Coptic manuscripts with biblical translations: Miscellany manuscripts of the fourth century While, as we have seen, there is a sound probability that Coptic biblical translations from Greek into Coptic took place in the third century—we can now definitely dismiss the popular story that ANTONY, the “first monk,” must have heard the Gospel preached in Egyptian in around 270 because he did not know Greek, as the Life of Antony by Athanasius claims. Is it possible even to imagine a systematic and organized initiative to translate the holy scriptures into Egyptian in the third century? And which texts exactly would have constituted the collection of holy scriptures at that time? In fact, like Antony, many other educated native Egyptians knew Greek very well, and translating from Greek into Egyptian (and vice versa) had been the order of the day in Egypt since at least 300 BCE. And it is not surprising that educated Egyptians, whether they were or saw themselves as Christians or not, also translated writings that were canonized much later as the Christian Old and New Testament. However, they also translated writings with a Christian “connotation” in which the life and deeds of Jesus, or stories and characters of the Jewish Bible, were used, which were (later) severely condemned as apocryphal and/or heretical by the Christian Church leaders of the (second half of) the fourth century; we can also include the Gnostic and Manichaean texts here. Is it conceivable then that under the conditions of persecution during the reign of DIOCLETIAN and his immediate successors (284/85–311) even a modest manuscript production and circulation of freshly translated Christian biblical manuscripts was possible? Does it not appear far more probable to expect such manuscripts only after the “Constantinian shift,” i.e., after 313 or, more likely, after 324 (Emmel 2007: 88–89; Funk 2013: 536–537; Feder 2020a: 216)? Recent scholarship clearly shows the unreliability of paleographic dating (e.g., Bagnall 2009; Nongbri 2018) of both early Greek and Coptic literary manuscripts. Some of the Coptic, or bilingual, manuscripts we will now deal with have been dated tentatively to the third century. Even if we try to take further criteria into account, such as the material condition of the manuscript, with a scientific investigation of the writing support (up to radiocarbon dating), or an ink analysis, the current state of knowledge does not permit us to date any early Coptic biblical manuscript safely to the third century (Feder 2020c: 644–645). Before “regular” Coptic Bible manuscripts containing one or several books—as for the OT, apparently organized in a sequence similar to the Greek LXX manuscripts—came into use, collections of texts, which we can call miscellany manuscripts, were obviously the first choice for Coptic biblical texts. These are papyrus manuscripts written in various Coptic dialects, sometimes in combination with Greek texts, and forming probably the oldest stratum of Coptic biblical manuscripts. Typically, they combine texts later regarded as canonical writings of the Old and New Testament and texts later regarded as apocrypha and excluded from the canon of the Christian scriptures accepted by the Alexandrian Church. These are (Feder 2020a: 216–217; Feder 2020c: 647–648): P. Bil. 1 Hamburg (TM 61979): Fayyumic dialect (sub-variety F7), Greek Acts of Paul (Greek); Canticles (Coptic); Lamentations (Coptic); Ecclesiastes (Greek and Coptic); date (according to TM): 275–350. Crosby Schøyen Codex 193 (TM 107771; CLM 42; LCBM sa 31): Sahidic Dialect Melito of Sardes, On the Passover; 2 Maccabees 5:27–7:41; 1 Peter 1:1–5:14; Jonah 1:1–4:11; liturgical exhortation; date (according to TM): 250–399. London, British Library Or. 7594 (TM 107763; CLM 1371; LCBM sa 17): Sahidic Dialect Deuteronomy; Jonah 1:1–4:11; Acts; Apocalypse of Elijah 1:1–16; date (according to TM): 350–450. P. Michigan 3520 (TM 107979): Fayyumic dialect (subvariety V4) Ecclesiastes 1:1–12:14; 1 John 1:1–5:21; 2 Peter 1:1–3:14; date (according to TM): 350–450. P. Bodmer III (TM 107758): Bohairic Dialect (subvariety B4, Old Bohairic) Gospel of John; Genesis 1:1–4:2; date (according to TM): 300–399. Since these manuscripts are of crucial importance for narrowing down the timeframe in which, according to our manuscript witnesses, the Coptic biblical translations originally emerged, we must try to specify their dating and historical setting as far as possible. Moreover, as far as the emergence of the first proper Coptic biblical manuscripts is concerned, we need to specify further if the miscellany manuscripts are generally older or, overlap in time at least partially with these biblical manuscripts which can be dated to the fourth century. The time range of usually 100 years given by TM reflects the vicissitudes of paleographical dating that are still virulent in the discussions about the dating of early Christian manuscripts. Some recent text critical studies will help guide us along the way. Actually, only P. Bil. 1 Hamburg and Crosby Schøyen Codex 193 are possibly datable to the third century. While there are no new suggestions for the dating of P. Bil. 1 Hamburg, we can at least add the results of a text critical case study on the text of Lamentations (Feder 2004). The Old Fayyumic version of Lamentations represents an early, quite free, and lexically original translation, apparently independent of the Sahidic and Bohairic standard translations. It was replaced (or largely reworked) by a more recent and highly standardized Fayyumic version (preserved in a medieval manuscript) that was apparently composed by consulting the Sahidic and, especially, the Bohairic version. The Greek Vorlage of this Old Fayyumic version has strong affinities with the text of the Greek Codex Vaticanus (TM 62316; LXX MS: B), more than the Sahidic and the Bohairic version of Lamentations. This means that the Old Fayyumic version of Lamentations would, at least, confirm that P. Bil. 1 Hamburg is older than the Sahidic and Fayyumic standard versions. However, this does not confirm or even suggest a dating into the third century. In order to come closer to an answer to this question, more detailed studies are also needed on the other Greek and Fayyumic texts in the papyrus. The dating of the Crosby Schøyen Codex 193 is extremely controversial (Nongbri 2018: 174–175). In addition, a recent radiocarbon analysis could not provide a more precise timeframe since this type of analysis can only give an approximate timeframe for the harvesting of the papyrus plant. However, Hugo Lundhaug, after discussing all relevant data about the papyrus again and summarizing the value of the radiocarbon analysis, came to the conclusion that the manuscript could be dated “in the fourth rather than the third century” (Lundhaug 2020: 233). Be that as it may, apart from the fact that the verses from a Coptic translation of 2 Maccabees are older than any extant Greek witness—we will see below that the books of Maccabees were excluded from the Sahidic Standard Translation—the passages from the book of Jonah (1:1–4:11) have been analyzed in a text critical study (Bosson 2016b). While working on the edition of the extremely important Old Bohairic manuscript P. Vatican Copto 9 (TM 107766) of the Minor Prophets (Bosson, Kasser, and Quecke, forthcoming), unanimously dated to the fourth century by all specialists, Nathalie Bosson compared the Jonah passages with the extant Sahidic, Akhmimic, and Bohairic versions. The text critical analysis yielded some surprising results. The Jonah text of the Crosby Schøyen Codex 193 apparently represents an earlier Sahidic translation, that was replaced by a translation which is preserved in all other Sahidic witnesses and in the Akhmimic version. Instead, it shares readings with the Old Bohairic version of P. Vatican Copto 9. Interestingly, the identical Jonah passages (1:1–4:11) of P. British Library Or. 7594 (LCBM sa 17) already clearly belong to the Sahidic Standard Translation represented by all other Sahidic witnesses as well as the Akhmimic version (Feder 2020a: 222). We may infer from this that Crosby Schøyen Codex 193 is older than P. British Library Or. 7594. The text compilations for these two miscellany manuscripts (and this is probably also true for the other manuscripts mentioned above) have been quite convincingly explained as serving liturgical purposes (Feder 2020a: 217; Feder 2020c: 647). 2.3. Coptic biblical translations in the fourth century and the Sahidic Standard Translation It is very likely that the Coptic glosses and the miscellany manuscripts discussed above form the oldest stratum of Coptic biblical translations. There is, however, a fair number of biblical manuscripts that can be dated with good reason to the fourth century and correspond more to the type of codex with biblical books we would expect based on the Greek model of LXX manuscripts. However, full or pandect bible manuscripts never existed in the Coptic tradition. Some of them have already been mentioned. These are almost exclusively papyrus codices in Sahidic, Akhmimic, Lycopolitan, Old Bohairic, Fayyumic, and Mesokemic (Feder 2007). Notoriously, with few exceptions they are connected to the provenance dilemma that is characteristic for the Bodmer Papyri (Nongbri 2018: 157–215; Feder 2020a: 217–220; Feder 2020c: 648–651). Leaving aside the difficult problem of whether they formed one or several libraries, or book collections, they must all come from Upper Egypt (and perhaps more precisely from the region around Panopolis). Nevertheless, one striking fact in this context immediately calls into question the idea of a single library: even if we imagine that a late antique library in an Upper Egyptian metropolis of the fourth century could have consisted of Coptic–Sahidic, Greek, and Latin manuscripts (containing biblical and classical literature), why would it include manuscripts in other Coptic dialects (Bohairic and Mesokemic) whose (presumed) home region was quite distant from there (i.e., the Nile Valley opposite the Fayyum, and the Western Delta)? Moreover, there is also a papyrus in this supposed collection (P. Chester Beatty Ac. 1390) containing Greek mathematical exercises and John 10:7–13:38 in yet another Upper Egyptian dialect, Lycopolitan (Nongbri 2018: 176–177). Since the biblical texts of the Old Testament in the Sahidic manuscripts among the Bodmer Papyri all seem to contain the Sahidic Standard Translation, this term must first be introduced and contextualized before we can return to the complex question of the emergence of the Coptic biblical translations. Before doing so, we need to discuss an exceptional case among t

Music, Coptic: Congregational response patterns of the St. Basil Liturgy

MUSIC, COPTIC: CONGREGATIONAL RESPONSE PATTERNS OF THE ST. BASIL LITURGY Michael Henein, Mina Salama, Osama Fathy, and David Allinson Keywords: Anaphora of St. Basil; Arabic Maqam; Byzantine Music; Coptic Chants; Coptic Church; Coptic Music; Coptic Orthodox Church; Coptic Orthodox Liturgy of St. Basil; Coptic Studies; Euchologion; Liturgical Music; St. Basil Liturgy. 1. Background 2. Introduction to Arabic Music 3. The Liturgy Pitch Study 3.1. Methods and Results 3.2. Validating the Results 3.3. Detailed Comparison between M. Salama and R. Moftah Notations 4. The St. Basil Liturgy Arabic Maqam Study 4.1. Methods and Results 5. The Study of Similarities between Individual Responses in Different Sections of the St. Basil Liturgy 5.1. Methods 5.2. Similarities in Section 1 5.3. Similarities in Section 2 5.4. Patterns of Modulations in Section 2 5.5. Similarities in Section 3 5.6. Similarities in Section 4 5.7. Similarities in Section 5 5.8. Similarities in Section 6 5.9. Similarities in Section 7 5.10. Similarities between Sections 5.10.1. Similar Endings between the Liturgy of the Word and the Liturgy of the Believers 5.10.2. Suggestions of Recent Additions to the Original Structure of the Liturgy 5.10.3. Similar Responses but Different Melodies 5.10.4. Patterns of Identical Modulations between Sections 6. Summary and Conclusion   1. Background COPTIC MUSIC consists of traditional hymns in the Coptic and Greek languages that comprise liturgical prayers, pre-vespers and midnight praises (Tasbeha); celebration hymns as well as contemporary songs in the Arabic language; and music adopted from other denominations. The origins of the latter two types of music can be traced, while most of the contents of the Tasbeha lyrics are taken from the Psalms and Old Testament songs, such as the song of the Israelites crossing the Red Sea (Exodus 15:1–18) and the song of the three youths in the fiery furnace (Daniel 3:3–22). The origin of the remainder of the Coptic hymns, however, which constitute the largest body of Coptic sacred music sung in the liturgies, HOLY WEEK, and other occasions received via oral tradition, remains unknown. Although Coptic music is preserved by oral tradition, recent attempts have been made to annotate it using Western notations. However, it is well accepted that COPTIC MELODIES tend to be much closer to some of the Arabic scales (maqams) than to the major and minor Western scales. Therefore, one of the objectives of this analysis is to better understand the music patterns in the ST. BASIL LITURGY utilizing the already well-established maqam system. It has been established by SAINT JOHN CASSIAN and others that liturgy during the early centuries of Christianity was mainly based on the consecration of bread and wine as established by Jesus Christ (Truscott 2011: 148). The development of different liturgies, such as those of St. Basil and ST. GREGORY, came centuries later. Although some liturgical responses contain quotations from the books of the Old and New Testaments, e.g., “Holy, holy, holy, Lord of Hosts” (Isaiah 6:3), the origin of the rest of the texts is unknown, apart from those believed to be quotations from saints’ writings. Likewise, the origins of the melodies used for singing and chanting those responses remain unknown. This lack of knowledge has resulted in many contradictory narratives being proposed. Some writers (Newlandsmith 1931) claim that Coptic music derives from ancient Egyptian music; other historians (Idelsohn 1967) assign it multicultural influences, particularly Jewish and Greek; but contemporary musicologists describe Coptic music as having a unique pattern of melodies with only some similarities to other cultures. A lack of original musical documentation, particularly for rhythms and scales, also gave Coptic cantors and singers liberty to improvise, as was demonstrably the case with Greek hymns imported into the Coptic church from Byzantine tradition by POPE CYRIL IV in 1854 CE (Macarius 2000: 95). Additionally, it cannot be ignored that Coptic music has been influenced by many surrounding cultures, particularly those in the Mediterranean region, including Syriac and Greek (Henein and Paliouras 2020). Furthermore, despite claimed differences, because Coptic music has existed at the heart of the Arabic world for nearly fifteen centuries, one might expect that Coptic music has some relationship with Arabic music, even if minor. For this reason, we have chosen to analyze the music of the St. Basil Liturgy using the well-established Arabic music structure, notation style, and related scales (maqams) as a reference. 2. Introduction to Arabic Music The musical notes in Arabic music have mostly Persian and Turkish names. Collectively, the commonest notes used in the St. Basil Liturgy responses are Jiharkah (F3), Dokah (D3), Sikah (E3 half flat), and Rast (C3). Arabic music uses quarter intervals as a basic feature, hence the use of the special flat and sharp symbols. Arabic music scales are called maqams. They include seven notes, starting from the tonic (first), and continuing in order to the eighth note, which is an octave higher. Each maqam has two groups of four notes (tetrachord) or jins (gender), with the first tetrachord as the basic one from which the maqam takes its name. While the second tetrachord is secondary, it may be a basic chord in another maqam. An example is seen in the Rast maqam, which includes a basic Rast and a secondary Rast, compared with the Nahawand maqam, which includes a basic Nahawand but a secondary Hijaz. The Ajam maqam is identical with the major scale in Western music; the Nahawand maqam is equivalent to the minor Western scale. When a maqam is transposed to start from a different note, it may take a new name, as in the Rast maqam, which, when it starts from G2 instead of C3, is called the Yakah maqam (El-Helo 1974: 131; Arafah 1944: 66). This paper addresses three aspects of the St. Basil Liturgy, namely the existing music pitch and its potential standardization throughout the liturgy; the existing Arabic maqams; and the patterns of similarities between different responses that might shed light on the liturgy’s overall structure. To our knowledge, this is the first study to document a detailed analysis of the music of the St. Basil Liturgy. 3. The Liturgy Pitch Study Current practice in the Coptic Church entails a priest choosing the most comfortable pitch on which to start the prayer (Borsai and Tóth 1969: 91–105). This pitch often changes throughout the liturgy. Such flexibility in pitch varies between churches and makes it difficult for congregations to standardize the way of chanting, in contrast to Western-style liturgies. It also creates some limitations when Copts from different regions worship together. A lack of musical instruments as a pitch reference, and limited musical education among priests and deacons, often results in an exponential rise in pitch until it becomes difficult to maintain; then, a sudden drop to a lower, more comfortable level, even if there is no musical basis for it, becomes inevitable. Also, the general understanding of the oral tradition of singing in Egypt justifies unlimited room for improvisation because of the lack of any set rules. The traditional rejection of the use of musical instruments in the Coptic Church is deeply rooted in the minds of many choir teachers and cantors since it goes back to the early centuries of Christianity in Egypt (Kuhn 2014). This practice has unfortunately persisted until the present. 3.1. Methods and Results As an attempt to address the ongoing issue of haphazard pitch, we divided the annual responses of the St. Basil Liturgy into seven sections, irrespective of the number of responses in each section, according to our experience with melody changes and similarities between consecutive responses. To standardize the chanting pitch throughout the liturgy, Michael Henein recorded all seven sections using Avid Pro Tools software, with the assistance of Mina Salama, a professional musician, using a keyboard equipped with Eastern scales to adhere as much as possible to the starting note of each response. This was further checked using Kontakt plugin software that allowed obtaining the most accurate pitch for individual microtones. After checking the accuracy of the recordings, Salama notated them using Sibelius music scoring software. A nay (Arabic flute) was also later played and superimposed over the voice recording.   The seven sections of the liturgy and their respective number of responses are classified below. Liturgy of the Word Liturgy of the Believers Section 1 Section 2 Section 3 Section 4 Section 5 Section 6 Section 7 6 2 5 19 6 4 5 The recorded liturgy responses started from the E (half flat) note in Section 1: the conventional tonic note of the Huzam maqam and the dominant maqam of this section. The progression of notes between sections depended on the dominant maqam of each section. It should be noted that each Arabic maqam has a conventional tonic note suitable for human (men, women, and children) vocal singing limitations. Efforts were made to avoid progressive pitch rise by starting sections from the closest note to the tonic note of the previous section, without disturbing the overall pitch throughout the liturgy, and critically considering the intervals. Figure 1: The starting and ending notes of the St. Basil Liturgy The liturgy ends on an F note, which is the tonic note for the Jiharkah maqam and is three-quarters of a tone higher than its starting note of E (half flat) (Hafez 1971: 51–62). The fact that we started Section 1 on the E (half flat) and ended the liturgy on the F note, despite changes in maqams throughout the seven sections of the liturgy, even when transposed from their standard features, suggests a potential musical structure close to the original, where the liturgical melody ran smoothly without abrupt changes. This does not necessarily suggest the entire St. Basil Liturgy was composed at one time. It does, however, propose a logical way of starting to sing different sections, particularly where there is no external influence from a priest or solo deacon. Also, the close symmetry between sections suggests that despite any difference between the creation dates of the contents of individual sections, the liturgy’s composers must have acknowledged the pitch limit throughout the liturgy before they added new pieces (such as hymns or responses). After completing the pitch analysis, we checked our scores against the Coptic Church reference score book produced by the late Ragheb Moftah, which was transcribed by Margit Tóth and published in 1998 (Moftah et al. 1998). Interestingly, these reference scores also started the liturgy in E and ended it in F. This compatible finding with our recording and analysis was surprising but reassuring. It should be mentioned that these reference scores did not use microtones and the recorded hymns, which were scribed, did not use any pitch reference. 3.2. Validating the Results These findings were tested using a random sample of singers from the St. Kyrel Choir (total 100 singers from different age groups between 16 and 50 years; 60 men and 40 women) from the United Kingdom, France, Amsterdam, and Switzerland. Although all choir members already knew the St. Basil Liturgy responses in different ways and at different pitches, for our validation they sang them together in a special liturgy convened on 15 July 2017 for this purpose. To further ascertain the suitability of the proposed pitch for different singers, St. Kyrel Choir members were asked to answer a questionnaire about the feasibility of the proposed pitch as a whole, as well as any discomfort they experienced when the pitch changed slightly between sections. The choir members unanimously answered, irrespective of their ages or genders, that they felt the liturgy “just fits where it is comfortably pitched.” 3.3. Detailed Comparison between M. Salama and R. Moftah Notations Figure 2: The starting and ending notes of each of the seven sections notated by M. Salama (Top) and R. Moftah (Bottom) 1) The first hymn in section 1 (Kyrie eleison) was not notated by Moftah. Comparing the second hymn, Allylouia Vai Pepi, showed the two notation systems are similar, except that Moftah did not write E (half flat) as Salama did, but wrote the same accidentals that prove that the basic maqams, the Huzam on E half flat and the Bayati on G, are similar. 2) The same issue applies to the third response in section 1 (Dhoxa Patri) about the tonic microtone. Salama’s notation is identical to Moftah’s in the accidentals, supporting a similar maqam and pitch. 3) Salama’s written pitches are suitable for the voice limits of all vocal types, irrespective of age or gender, but in Moftah’s scores, some responses are in a very high pitch which would make them difficult for some to sing. 4) There is a significant ascent of starting notes from Section 1 to Section 3, with a further deviation in Section 7. There is less fluctuation in the ending notes of Moftah’s scores, compared to those of Salama. 5) Despite their differences, these two sets of notations (created more than 25 years apart) are fundamentally close. The findings of this analysis, which showed differences between notations produced decades apart from each other, confirmed our hypothesis about the impact of time on melodic variability that could affect Coptic hymns, even commonly used ones that are hardly expected to change. These variables are bound to have wide-scale implications for other hymns, and particularly those sung only on rare occasions. The results of our analysis encouraged us to conduct a more detailed study of the St. Basil Liturgy structure, particularly in the congregational responses, to uncover their musical patterns. Our first objective was to ascertain whether the St. Basil liturgical responses abide by conventional Arabic maqams, or whether they are different, as previously proposed by Ernest Newlandsmith. To answer this question, we designed the St. Basil Liturgy Arabic Maqam Study. 4. The St. Basil Liturgy Arabic Maqam Study Although Coptic music originated in Egypt, it is likely to have been influenced by music from nearby countries, particularly those in the Mediterranean region, Iraq, Turkey, Greece, and Persia. Even in the absence of any documented evidence, to an experienced ear, this influence can be heard in some Coptic melodies that are like the melodies used in those cultures. If such an overlap exists, it is then likely that the well-established Arabic maqams would be easily identified in Coptic music. The aim of our study was to identify the dominant Eastern/Arabic maqam for each of the seven sections of the St. Basil Liturgy. This would help to provide a clearer understanding of the liturgy’s structure and possibly its musical roots. 4.1. Methods and Results Three professional musicians (George Dergham, Mina Salama, and Osama Fathy), who are experts in Eastern music maqams, agreed to analyze the St. Basil Liturgy responses and provide their opinions on its main dominant maqams. Recordings of study A were emailed to each of the three musicians, together with a standardized analysis sheet with the order number of each response without name or lyrics. The musicians were asked to insert the name of the proposed maqam next to the response number, and in case of uncertainty between two maqams, to insert the dominant one followed by the less dominant, or the starting maqam followed by the ending one. Michael Henein then compiled the analyses into a single spreadsheet. While all the musicians commented on the maqams using listening skills, only one of them notated all responses. This notation helped in further analysis. According to the musicians’ analysis, the most commonly used maqams in the St. Basil Liturgy responses were the Huzam, Saba, Bayati, Ajam, Nahawand, and Rast (Ali 2016: 114). To facilitate analysis of the collected nominal data of these six maqams, they were given consecutive numbers 1–6 on the analysis sheet. The intersectional maqams and the analysis among all the musicians were then compared. Classification of the responses into the seven sections was accurate in demonstrating a dominant maqam shared between all individual responses in each section. This agreement was shared by all musicians, independent of their means of analysis. From Sections 1 to 5, and up to the consecration section, the two dominant maqams were the Huzam and the Saba, whereas the remaining maqams dominated the liturgy’s last two sections. All the musicians agreed that no response contained a full maqam, but only three or four notes from individual maqams. In addition, and quite frequently, a response started in one maqam, then moved to another: an example of this pattern is seen in the Vai Pepi hymn in Section 1, which started in the Huzam maqam and then moved to the Bayati maqam. Some melodies also may return to the starting maqam, as is the case in the Hetein hymn in Section 2, which starts in the Bayati maqam, moves to the Husseini maqam, returns to the Bayati, and then ends in the Huzam maqam in B half flat. Overall, the musicians’ analyses were similar in 70% of responses; in the remaining 30%, they gave different descriptions. In two responses to section 1 (Vai Pepi and Dhoxa Patri) the difference was between the Huzam and the Saba maqam. Further detailed analysis of the differences according to the components of the two maqams showed that two musicians agreed on 80% of the notes, with marginal differences in their analysis of the other 20%. It seems that the difficulty the musicians found in choosing between the Huzam maqam and the Saba maqam occurred because the two maqams have an identical tetrachord, which is the Hijaz. This difficulty was clearly seen in the Vai Pepi hymn in Section 1, where some described it as the Saba, others the Huzam, and one thought it was the Hijaz Gharib; the general opinion settled in the end to agree that it was the Huzam on E Sikah. To explain this issue, we show the basis for the two maqams. Figure 3: Comparison between the Huzam and the Saba Maqams This study shed light on the potential basic maqams of the St. Basil Liturgy responses, but just as importantly, it raised a number of questions with regard to the detailed analysis of the melodies of the responses, rather than simple identification of the dominant maqam, which is clearly not standardized, as is the case in Arabic music cultures. Also, our findings highlight potential significant differences between Coptic maqams which are yet to be defined and the well-established Arabic ones; this could explain the differences between the musicians’ conclusions. 5. The Study of Similarities between Individual Responses in Different Sections of the St. Basil Liturgy In view of the subjective differences between the musicians in study B, we planned a second detailed analysis to identify notes (or melodies) that showed similarities between individual responses in each of the seven sections as well as between sections. This study was designed based on a hypothesis that congregational responses in the St. Basil Liturgy are musically classified into seven sections, where each section has a dominant maqam or group of melodies reflecting the section’s theme and spirit. The objective of our analysis was therefore to demonstrate the presence of uniform similarities between responses in individual sections of the liturgy. If proven, it could assist teachers and singers in adhering to those patterns or potentially the maqams as well, when leading services and teaching choirs. Also, identifying the consistently repeated melodies within and between hymns might suggest an element of pattern originality that could relate to the melodic chanting of the priest. Finally, it could shed light on the era when these responses were first adopted into the liturgy. 5.1. Methods The same liturgical responses recorded by Michael Henein mentioned above and the notations made by Mina Salama were used to achieve the objective of this analysis. Similarities were identified using one or more of the following criteria: Same maqam/scale Same tonic Same starting and ending chords Same sequence in some notes or intervals The presence of modulations, particularly similar chords at the start and end The strength of similarities between responses was classified into three categories: mild (one point), moderate (2–3 points) and strong (4–5 points). 5.2. Similarities in Section 1 The level of similarities between responses in section 1 was strong. 5.3. Similarities in Section 2 Shere ne Maria, “Hail to you, O Mary,” and Hetein ni, “Through the intercessions,” are identical in the Bayati maqam throughout (Al-Mahdi 1943: 16–45). Hetein ni Shere ne Maria From To From To Bar Beat Bar Beat Bar Beat Bar Beat 1 30 1 3 12 46 4 4 1 36 1 4 18 51 1 3 In Section 2, all five conditions for similarities were present; therefore the level of similarity between hymns is considered strong. 5.4. Patterns of Modulations in Section 2 Hetein ni, “Through the intercessions,” starts with the Bayati maqam in G, then ends in the Huzam maqam transposed on E half flat–Iraq (Rahet El Arwah). The same notes and intervals for modulation changed the tonic. The first note in Shere ne Maria, B , is the second note in the first chord of the Bayati maqam (the chord of the tonic G), which is G, B , D. This proves that the dominant maqam is the Bayati. The modulation is then used as a “comma” to link the last word of the first verse, “Ethnesos,” and the first word of the second verse, “thee.” This goes with the meani

Dayr Anba Maqar, the painted hermitage of

DAYR ANBA MAQAR, THE PAINTED HERMITAGE OF Mary Kupelian Keywords: Abu Mina, Bawit; Coptic Architecture; Coptic Art; Coptic Church; Coptic Monasteries; Dayr al-Suryan; Dayr Anba Bishoi; Dayr Anba Maqar; Dayr Apa Jeremiah; Galaktotrophousa; Hermitage; Iconography; Maria lactans, Menas the Miracle Maker, Saint; Monasteries; Nursing Virgin; Wadi al-Natrun (Egypt). Introduction Cells and hermitages in Lower and Upper Egypt both feature representations of classical architecture and art, or architecture and art that are similar to the classical styles. DAYR ANBA MAQAR (St. Macarius) in Wadi al-Natrun is one of Egypt’s most important monasteries. From the fourth century to the present day, it has been continuously inhabited by monks. This monastery is very important for the study of Coptic monastic art, and its wall paintings are almost completely published except for the paintings in a single HERMITAGE (manshubiya): the only hermitage in the monastery that is decorated with colorful mural paintings. Because Egypt’s dry and favorable desert climate helped the paintings to survive, they have only slightly deteriorated over time. The hermitage is in a rock-hewn cave complex not far from the main church of Dayr Anba Maqar (Figs. 1–2). Its iconography was obviously adapted to the personality of the person who commissioned the work. It is executed in simple red, brown, ochre, black, and white colors. Unfortunately, the greater part of the scene of Christ in Glory with the Four Living Creatures has been destroyed. Next to it is the Virgin Galaktotrophousa (Fig. 3) (Bolman, forthcoming). This double composition parallels that of the prayer niches in several cells in BAWIT and Saqqara. However, the low ceiling level obliged the artist to split the composition into two separate scenes, with the Virgin to the left of Christ. A scene of SAINT MENAS at prayer, with two camels, in the company of Christ is enclosed within a frame surmounted by crosses and a text. Texts also appear on the left side of this scene. The figures of Christ and St. Menas are represented in a framework of two arches separated by a column (Kupelian 2018). There are also some crosses in various styles decorating the walls. Some pottery vessels for daily life usage were discovered in the cave.   Fig. 1. Floor plan of the painted hermitage of Dayr Anba Maqar. Courtesy of Ashraf W. Hanna. Fig. 2. The door of the hermitage. Photo by the author. The inscriptions in the cave are instructive. They show that its wall paintings date to AM 660 (943/44 CE). A dipinti in the lower left corner of the scene of the Virgin states that Father Mena Panau ordered and paid for the construction and the decoration of the cave. Prof. Jacques van der Vliet has pointed out that it is highly probable that Mena “Panau” is the same person mentioned as the spiritual father of a Deacon Gabriel who appears as the scribe of a Vatican manuscript dating to 978–979 CE. Thus, the cave must have been the prayer cell of Mena Panau (Immerzeel 2017: 46). Fig. 3. The paintings of the hermitage, photographed by Karel C. Innemée in 1992, soon after the discovery. 1. The Mural Paintings of the Hermitage 1.1 The Scene of the Nursing Virgin The iconographic type of the Virgin nursing the Christ-child (Galaktotrophousa or Maria lactans) is thought to have its origins in Coptic Egypt. The only Gospel with an explicit reference to the breastfeeding of the Christ-child is the Proto-Gospel of St. James (19:1–2), which states: “A short time afterwards that light withdrew until the baby appeared, and it came and took the breast of its mother Mary.” The most ancient examples of the Nursing Virgin iconography that have survived until today are three mural paintings found in DAYR APA JEREMIAH (Saqqara), dating from the sixth century. Further examples were found in the semi-dome of DAYR ANBA BISHOI (Suhaj) (Bolman 2016: 162), in two Fayum bas-reliefs dating from the sixth to the eighth centuries, and the Nursing Virgin that was discovered by Karel Innemée and depicted on the eastern wall of the khurus of the Church of al-Adra in DAYR AL-SURYAN, directly in front of the sanctuary (Innemée 1998). The Virgin, larger in scale than the other figures, is enthroned frontally at the center of the scene in the hermitage. She is seated on a large, high-backed, jeweled throne with a footstool. Her eyes are wide and almond-shaped. Her head is surrounded with a golden halo. The Christ-child appears as a miniature adult. He is represented as the Son of God, Wisdom incarnate. He is depicted with short hair and a cross halo surrounds his head. The enthroned Virgin and Christ-child are surrounded by two archangels, probably Michael and Gabriel, each haloed and wearing a chlamys. In this iconic representation, the Virgin wears a purple maphorion covering her haloed head, and her draped robes are decorated with Christian attributes such as crosses. The graceful pose of the Virgin, the rhythmic folds of her drapery, and the delicate treatment of her face are very well defined (Bolman 2005). The Virgin’s left arm encircles the Christ-child, whose two hands are reaching outward like the hands of the two angels. Her right hand holds her breast, a gesture that depicts motherhood and emphasizes the relationship between mother and child. The style of the eyes of all four figures is the same—wide open with large pupils and irises—and all the depicted figures have the same stocky proportions. The distinctive shadow below the eyes is characteristic of Coptic art dated to the tenth century (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Nursing Virgin with Christ-child flanked by two archangels. Photo courtesy of Karel C. Innemée. Notice that the hairstyles of the Christ-child and the two archangels are identical. They resemble depictions of the virtues (Doris 1998) which were more frequently depicted inside the monks’ oratory or surrounding the apse in monastic churches (see the famous niche discovered in Dayr Apa Jeremiah (Saqqara) Cell 1725, now on display as one of the masterpieces in the Coptic Museum, Inv. No. 7987). The virtues are represented as human figures accompanied by their names. They symbolize love, peace, patience, joy, and other virtues and date to the sixth–seventh centuries CE. The angels are shown in a flying frontal position, with one of the wings of each angel elegantly stretched over the Virgin. 1.2 The Martyrdom of St. Menas Coptic Christianity has been built upon a substructure of martyrdom. The veneration of St. Menas symbolizes the fundamental values of the Coptic Church and establishes precedents essential to the institution of martyrdom. Veneration of St. Menas, among other saints, by the Copts is one of the most important factors in the survival of the Coptic Church (Farag 2014: 137). The details of St. Menas’ life are found in three literary sources: the SYNAXARION, the Encomium, and the miracle collections. All three versions result in St. Menas becoming a martyr, but their stories are contradictory and demonstrate distinctions in his representations. This is important in characterizing the iconography of St. Menas, which can be altered to accommodate these distinctions. St. Menas is internationally known, and therefore his life has been written frequently (O’Leary 1937: 194–196). His story of sacrifice, combined with stories of his healing miracles, spread through hagiography and liturgy, and were illustrated in his pilgrimage site at ABU MINA, Maryut, near Alexandria. Elizabeth Bolman argues that “the paintings of monastic saints, like St. Menas, were vehicles through which these holy figures performed miracles” (Bolman 2002: 40). 1.2.1. The Description of the Painting of Christ with St. Menas The mural painting depicting St. Menas with Christ is one of the unique representations found in the hermitage cave. In this rendering St. Menas is highly venerated by being depicted next to Christ (Fig. 5). The saint is shown haloed, with two hands in an orans position, and with his two camels depicted below him. This is a popular representation of St. Menas, and it illustrates the story of his martyrdom as a soldier who sacrificed his life for his faith. Fig. 5. St. Menas orans and Christ blessing with the right hand and holding the Gospel with the left. Photo courtesy of Karel C. Innemée. Fig. 6. Close-up of the inscriptions next to St. Menas’s figure (Fig.5). Photo courtesy of Karel C. Innemée. Next to St. Menas, Christ is shown in his traditional iconography of a cross halo. His right hand is raised in a blessing gesture and his left holds a book. Both figures have their names inscribed next to their image. Opposite them is the image of the Virgin nursing the Christ-child. The placement of St. Menas with Christ offers insight into Menas’ importance.   2. Translation of the important Inscriptions of the Hermitage (Figs. 4 and 7) Professor Jacques van der Vliet translated all the Coptic and Greek texts, and the graffiti that accompany the paintings in the cave (Kupelian 2018). The date that occurs on one of them is AM 660 (943/44 CE). Translation: Fig. 4 (text on the vertical line to the right of the image of the Virgin): [O?] holy (?) [fathers?] remember me in your prayers, agreeable to the Lord Christ [...] Amen, so be it. [Era?] of the Martyrs 660 (943/44 CE). Fig. 7: O Lord, Jesus Christ, bless Father (lit.: my father) Mêna Panau, ascetic, for he provided for these two monuments, to wit this cave and this painting. Amen, so be it, so be it! Fig. 7. Close-up of the left inscription next to the throne of the Nursing Virgin in Figs. 3 and 4. Photo courtesy of Karel C. Innemée 3. The Dating of the Paintings The significant wall paintings of this unique hermitage can be accurately dated to the mid-tenth century, a time period that provides little surviving Coptic art and archaeology. The beautiful mural of the Virgin Mary nursing the Christ-child, or Galaktotrophousa, may represent the latest-dated appearance of this theological topic in Coptic monastic art. The scene of St. Menas with Christ reflects the great veneration of the monks of Wadi al-Natrun for that saint. The location of the remaining part of the scene—Christ in Majesty—beside the scene of the Virgin rather than above it, as it would normally appear, was justified by the low height of the hewn hermitage

Albert Gayet (1856-1916): The Coptic Tapestry Albums

GAYET, ALBERT (1856-1916): THE COPTIC TAPESTRY ALBUMS Nancy Arthur Hoskins Keywords: Albert Gayet; Albert Jean Marie Philippe Gayet; Henry Art Gallery; Musée du Louvre; Antinoöpolis; Antinoé; Coptic textiles; Coptic tapestries; Coptic fabrics; Coptic art; Thaïs; Sarapion; Henry Bryon; Mamluk textiles; Early Islamic textiles; Archaeology; Burial; Tomb. Albert Gayet Thousands of COPTIC TEXTILES were collected by the French archaeologist Jean Marie Philippe ALBERT GAYET (1856–1916) from Coptic burial grounds in Egypt (Hoskins 2023). The textiles and other grave goods were brought back to Paris and donated to museums or expedition sponsors. A large number of Gayet’s textiles were sold at auction in 1901. Those textiles are now scattered in public and private collections around the world (Hoskins 2004). One group of Gayet’s textile fragments and artifacts from the sale were artfully arranged over a hundred years ago in a pair of unique volumes—The Text Album and The Textile Album. The pair of books and their textile treasures are now at the Henry Art Gallery at the University of Washington in Seattle (Fig. 1). Fig. 1.A Fig. 1.B Fig. 1.A: The Text Album, 11¼” x 9½” (28.6 cm x 24.8 cm x 4.8 cm). Fig. 1.B: The Textile Album, 11¼” x 9¾” (28.6 cm x 24.8 cm x 7.6 cm). Courtesy of the Henry Art Gallery, University of Washington, Seattle (Hoskins 2004). Images by R. Nicol. The Coptic Tapestry Albums Two letters from Albert Gayet to Henry Bryon were donated with the two albums and identify Bryon as the owner in 1913 (Hoskins 2004). Either Bryon or the Parisian bookbinder Robert Joly created the way the textiles were used in the albums. Gayet wrote in a letter to Bryon that, “the albums with the clothes of Antinoé, were charming and executed with perfect artistic talent” (Gayet 1913). The albums were sold at auction by a Monsieur X at the Hôtel Drouot on 23 February 1928 in Paris. The sale catalog advertised “ancient books, autographs, objets d’art, curiosities, and a collection of Coptic fabrics of the 3rd century, and souvenirs of the excavations of Antinoé in two handsome volumes” (Hémard 1928). The details of the person who purchased the albums and where they were after the 1928 sale are unknown (Zimmer 1983). Ultimately, the pair of albums was purchased in a Los Angeles, California bookstore in 1947 or 1948 by Helen Stager Poulsen (Poulsen 1985) and donated to the University of Washington’s Henry Art Gallery by Poulsen in 1981 (accession Nos. 83.7-1 to 83.7-73; Hoskins 2004). The Text Album The gold letters on the spine of The Text Album state AL. GAYET, ANTINOË, SÉPULTURE DE THAÏS. There is a penciled inscription on a page in the album that states in English: “Unique copy made expressly for M. Gayet—archeologist and explorer of Antinoé.” Two books by Gayet: Antinoë et les sépultures de Thaïs et Sérapion (1902) and Fantomes d’Antinoë, Les Sépultures de Leukyoné et Myrithis (1904), are bound in The Text Album (Fig. 1A). The books are illustrated with aquarelles by Paul Madeline (1863–1920) (Figs. 2.A and 2.B) and etchings copied from photographs taken during Gayet’s expeditions (Gayet 1902; Guillaumont 1991). The pair of tapestry fragments in Fig. 2.C are from the mantle of Thaïs. Her mummy is preserved at the Musée de l’Homme in Paris. There are thirty textiles in The Text Album. The cover of the album is a collage of tabby and tapestry fragments, but the back is without adornment. The insides of the front and back covers are decorated with collages of Coptic fragments. Five other pages within are covered with full-size textiles. Three of these textiles are pasted to pages in between the two books contained in the album. The Textile Album The Textile Album, which is labeled AL. GAYET on the spine, contains 114 fabrics and eight artifacts. The album cover is a collage of four fragments pasted together. The crested-basket and crossed-rosette piece on the back of the album has a matching piece in the Gayet collection at the Musée du Louvre. Many other fragments match textiles in the Louvre and other museum collections. Gayet saw the albums owned by Bryon in 1913 and autographed a page in The Textile Album (Fig. 3). Fig. 2.A Fig. 2.B Fig. 2.A: Title page. Fig. 2.B: Paul Madeline, “Thaïs the Orante,” from A. Gayet, Antinoë et les sépultures de Thaïs et Sérapion (1902). Fig. 2.C: “Two Fragments of the Mantle of Thaïs,” Musée de l’Homme, KTN 619 (DM 138). Radiocarbon dating (95.4% probability) AD 420–612. (De Moor 2022) Courtesy of the Phoebus Foundation. “The exploration of Antinoé is the resurrection of a world. This statement by a foreigner, a German scholar, has hardly found any response in France, except among some savants.” —Al Gayet (Translation by author) Fig. 3: Gayet’s 1913 autograph. (Hoskins 2004: The Textile Album, Plate 4) Courtesy of the Henry Art Gallery. Image by R. Nicol. Some album pages are covered with one large fragment. Other pages have two or more pieces pasted to paper. There are eight collage pages. Artifacts are assembled in a shallow box at the back of The Textile Album (Figs. 1.B, 4.B). The majority of the album textiles are made of linen, wool, or linen and wool together. There is one green cashmere fragment in The Text Album that came from a “riding coat” in the Musée Historique des Tissus collection in Lyon, France. One multicolored, striped silk is in The Textile Album. Techniques other than tapestry include tabby weaves, tablet weaves, a weft-loop weave, a sprang net, and embroidered linens. The fragments are from garments and other domestic textiles. Apart from six embroidered fragments, which are probably Mamluk (thirteenth–sixteenth century AD), the fabrics are either from the centuries of Coptic or Early Islamic Egypt. The album fragments represent themes, styles, and structures common to the period. Every textile and artifact in The Text Album and The Textile Album reveals a story about its origin and journey from Egypt to Paris and finally to Seattle. Details about the fibers, dyes, and construction of a fabric add information about the history of textiles in the western world. At one time, each fragment was a part of a decorative garment or a functional fabric, a burial cloth, an archaeologist’s acquisition, or a museum treasure. Though separated from its context, each piece is still connected to other Coptic collections around the globe. Both Figs. 5.B and 5.C have matching fragments—cut from the same original cloth—that are in the collection at the Musée du Louvre. These Coptic tapestry albums are an important part of the tale of textiles gathered from the burial grounds of Egypt

Pshoi of Scetis: Update

PSHOI of SCETIS: UPDATE Tim Vivian and Maged S. A. Mikhail Keywords: Abbots; Coptic Christian saints; Coptic literature; Dayr Anba Bishoi; Manuscripts; Monasteries; Monasticism; Monks; Pope Shenouda III; Saints; Scetis; Wadi al-Natrun. PSHOI of SCETIS (Coquin 1991), fourth- to fifth-century monk, died ca. 417 (feast day: 8 Abib/Apip) (Basset 1905–28: 1172–76). The saint enjoys tremendous popularity throughout the Christian East, and particularly among the Copts. “Bishūy” is a common name within that community, busloads of pilgrims visit the saint’s monastery at SCETIS (Shihēt/Wadi al-Natrun) every week, and his life has been made into a full-length movie. The saint and his monastery have only increased in popularity since the 1980s, as the late Coptic patriarch H.H. Pope SHENOUDA III (Patr. 1971–2012) established his patriarchal residence adjacent to the monastery, which rendered it the leading monastery in Egypt. If we accept that Bishoi was a contemporary of JOHN COLOBOS (“John the Little”), we may deduce that he lived mainly in the fourth century and, with Evelyn-White, fix his death in the first decades of the fifth century (Evelyn-White 1926: 159–60). According to the Coptic Synaxarium, Pshoi (Greek Paḯsios; Arabic Bishoi/Bishoy/Bishūy) was born at the village of Shansha, either in the modern province of al-Daqahliyah or Buḥayra (Beheira). In this account, he has six brothers. His mother (his father is not mentioned) sees “an angel in a vision” who announces Pshoi’s vocation to her: “The Lord says to you, ‘Give Me one of your children to serve Me.’ She answers, ‘Lord, take whoever You want.’” The angel takes the hand of Anba Bishoy, who is “thin and his body” frail. His mother tells the angel, “My Lord, take one who is strong to serve,” but the angel tells her, “This is whom the Lord has chosen.” The Life of Bishoi (hereafter Life), attributed, incorrectly, to John the Little, exists in Greek, Arabic, Syriac, Ge‘ez (Ethiopic), and Garshuni (Arabic written using the Syriac alphabet); the language of the original composition remains obscure, and while the complete absence of a Coptic Life for the saint remains enigmatic, and a Coptic original is not inconceivable, the evidence suggests a Greek exemplar (Life 8–9 (8–19). Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca (BHG), 1402–3d, lists the major Greek texts, but several others may now be identified through the Pinakes Database, though many of those references are to fragmentary or abridged Synaxarium manuscripts. Their relation to the Life preserved in Arabic is complex (Vivian and Mikhail 2022: 8–17). In the Greek Life “both of Paḯsios’ parents are devout, fearing the Lord.” His mother’s vision occurs after his father’s death (Life 3 (52)). At an unspecified time, “Godly Paḯsios became a lover of the virtues and increased both in age and grace; wounded by both loving desire for and fear of God, he fell in love with the monastic way of life.” Paḯsios embraces the monastic life at SCETIS at an age not precisely stated, placing himself under the direction of the elder Pambo (Arabic: Bamwah). In the Life, after Pambo’s death, Paḯsios and John the Little separate; John remains at Scetis, and Paḯsios establishes himself “in the western part of the desert,” digs a cave, and lives in it (Life 12 (55)). The fame of his miracles spreads, and a number of disciples gather around him, perhaps forming the nucleus of the first DAYR ANBA BISHOI; but, as with ANTONY and MACARIUS of Egypt, we must not imagine that Paḯsios (or, to speak in modern terms, Anba Bishoi) was a superior (“abbot”) as we understand that term today. Bishoi’s authority, more spiritual than temporal, was compatible with more or less lengthy sojourns in the remotest parts of the desert. The Life includes visions of Jesus, Constantine, and others; Bishoi defends the Holy Spirit; defeats the Devil; washes Christ’s feet; pastors other monks, including anchorites; and he and PAUL OF TAMMA become “agents of salvation for everyone.” In Arabic Manuscript Family C, Bishoi carries Christ. The Life concludes with the deaths of Bishoi and Paul, their burial together, and the translation of their relics. In the non-Greek, or Semitic, recensions of the Life “the Berbers raided the desert,” perhaps in 407, “killing the saintly elders,” so Bishoi and John flee; Bishoi flees to Middle Egypt where his legacy becomes intertwined with that of Paul. As first-person narrator, John is much more prominent in the Semitic recensions of the Life. After the two leave Scetis, John tells us that he went to CLYSMA, then on to “the monastery of the great Saint Anba Antony”; Bishoi, he says, “headed toward Upper Egypt and traveled to the city of Ansina, and lived on that mountain practicing asceticism and great [self-]restraint.” It is here that he washes Christ’s feet (Arabic Life γ and 69A (302–303)). The Greek and Semitic recensions of the Life preserve very different accounts of the translation of the saint’s relics. In the Arabic Life the translation is supervised by an otherwise unknown abbot named Athanasius (Life 79 (310)). The date of this translation is not given, and the relics appear to have been moved twice (Vivian and Mikhail 2022: 4–6). Still, we know from a list of the relics venerated in Egypt, drawn up by the deacon MAWHUB, editor and author of a part of the HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS OF THE EGYPTIAN CHURCH, that these bodies were preserved in the Wadi al-Natrun at the end of the eleventh century

Chinese Buddhist Book Art in the Age of Printing

This talk introduces select Buddhist woodcuts from the rare books in The Claremont Colleges Library collection. It highlights their artistic qualities and religious meaning, placing them in the larger historical context of Chinese book and print culture, and shedding light on the dynamic continuity and transformation of Chinese Buddhist book art in the age of printing. This talk is offered in conjunction with the exhibition, Enlightenment in Ink: the Art of Buddhist Prints, presented by the Asian Library and co-curated by Xiaoxing Yu, a sophomore at Pomona College

From Coolie to Ku’er: Racial Capitalism, Queer of Color Critique, and the Production of Pork and Surplus Value in Taiwan

In 1860, then British Foreign Secretary John Russell described what he witnessed as the “horrors of the coolie-trade,” which he likened to slavery and unflatteringly described as “the sale of pigs.” In this Claremont Discourse lecture, Dr. Cheng historicizes racial capitalism by exploring the late 19th century (im)migration of Asian “coolie” laborers in concert with the increasing global exportation of pig farming and pork production led by various European, Japanese, and Sinophone settlers across the Americas, the Asia Pacific region, and Oceania—including their importation to Taiwan by settler colonizers. Cheng also examines how the coolie and pork trades became early practices and emblems of the post-slavery “free market system” under global industrialization

LA River X guest host takeover by photographer Charles Levin, 2022

Collage of photographer Charles Levin's contributions to LA River X

Lessons from Canada: Investigating U.S. Boarding Schools for Native Americans

In 2015, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) concluded that Canada had committed “cultural genocide” in government-supported residential schools that aimed to forcibly assimilate First Nations, Métis, and Inuit peoples since the nineteenth century. McBride posits that the TRC’s finding of cultural genocide in Canada can inform our understanding of American Indian boarding schools in the U.S. given the similarities and connections between the two systems. Both countries founded their schools with the aim of achieving total assimilation, or cultural genocide; both created institutions that also killed great numbers of children, generally the healthiest demographic of any population. At the root of U.S. and Canadian Indigenous education project rests a genocidal truth: they may have committed all of the genocidal crimes enumerated in the United Nations Genocide Convention. In this talk, McBride will explain some of the processes and outcomes of this institutionalized colonial violence and draw lessons for scholars of the American Indian boarding school experience from the Canadian TRC. As the U.S. Congress and Interior Departments grapple with these questions, conducting contemporary investigations of their own, they too could learn from the TRC. Finally, he concludes by explaining the limits of our knowledge of boarding schools in the United States and outlines potential next steps

LA River X guest host takeover by photographer Charles Levin, 2022

Trail next to a tree by the Sepulveda dam in the Sepulveda Basin Wildlife Preserve