OSU Journals (Oklahoma State University)

Clatworthy, Nacy Moore

Krueger M.D., Thomas C.

Comparing U.S. students in a U. S. & A. Mexican medical school

Sloan, Stephen

BOOK REVIEW SECTION 1 0 9 John George and Laid Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe: Political Extremism in America. (New York: Prometheus Books, 1992) pp.523. $27.95 ISBN 0879756802 The many faces of extremism evoke great emotion within American political life. The contentious debates between the left and the right and the attempt by those in the middle to understand the beliefs and actions of those on the edges of the ideological spectrum require objective analysis by scholars who can cut through the rhetoric that obscures understanding "True Believers." John George, a professor of Political Science at The University of Central Oklahoma and Laid. Wilcox, the founder of the Wilcox Collection of Contemporary Political Move·· ments, have combined their long-term interest and impressive research to give the reader a road map to, and detailed guide of, American extremist groups. After a succinct overview of the long history of American extremism, Wilcox provides an excellent conceptualization on what constitutes extremism. He makes a telling case for the view that "extremism is more an issue of style than content" (p. 54). In so doing, he underscores the commonality that exists between both extremes of the political spectrum. He then provides a cogent discussion of the~ major traits of extremism - a virtual check list that can be used by students wanting to identify and achieve a basic understanding of individuals and groups on the extreme left and right. George further refines the major characteristics of extremist groups, contending that they would subvert the basic principles ofth1e Constitution in an attempt to impose their values on American society. The authors provide a fine survey of the literature which seeks to explain the motivation among those who join extremist movements and organizations. They are circumspect in seeking simplistic answers for the motivation and" ... tend to view the existence of an extremist-prone personality as a more reason-able hypothesis than attempts to account for the 'pathology' of a particular point of view" (p. 72). In viewing extremist motivation in this manner they are careful not to simply label extremism as a form of a political disease. They "posit the notion that extremists are potentially useful, usually of little consequence, and rarely dangerous" (p. 72). The motivation theories behind extremism is summa-rized as is the major conspiracies theories that form the foundation for the wodd view of various extremist groups. The summary will be of particular use to those interested in the development of social and political movements. In Part II, The Far Left, George and Wilcox describe the evolution of Marxism-Leninism in the United States. They are sensitive to the fact that orga-nizations subscribing to Marxist now face the task of adjusting their beliefs to the post-Cold War era. The authors' readable and well documented description of groups, ranging from the Communist Party to the Black Panthers, offers an 110 OKLAHOMA POLITICS I OCTOBER 1993 insightful walk through the landscape of the contemporary left. They effectively lead the reader through the schisms, fragmentations, and personality conflicts that have characterized highly diverse groups. George and Wilcox's analysis of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) will be of particular interest for those students and faculty who experienced the campus turmoil of the 60s and 70s. The authors note that the legacy of these groups continues today for a number of these former radicals have fueled "the trend for authoritarianism on some campuses" under the banner of"political correctness" (p. 162). Part III, The Far Right, also enables the reader to have the opportunity to understand the development of those individuals and groups who, under the call for "core values" of individualism, capitalism, religiosity and nationalism, have sought to impose their own agenda on the American political and social environ-ment. George and Wilcox describe those, who by the force of their personalities, astute political manipulation, and clever use of television, have sought to achieve their own version of Utopia. The discussion ofBilly James Hargis and the Chris-tian Crusade, and Robert Welch and the John Birch Society should serve to remind us that the merchants of fear and conspiracy, however outlandish many of their claims, spread their own form of rhetorical terrorism. At their zenith, they hit a resonant chord among those who were gripped by the paranoia that surrounded the coldest days of the Cold War. Chapter 31: The LaRouche Net-work is a treatment of a personality and group that could not easily be ideologi-cally labeled. The authors' treatment of The Jewish Defense League, the Nation of Is-lam, various neo-Nazi Groups, and the Klu Klux Klan, are a must to read for those who want to understand the history, tactics, and dynamics of organizations using racism and violence in pursuit of intolerance. The appendices will be of use to the student of extremism. The section on fake quotes and documents follows in the tradition of John George's earlier co-authored book They Never Said It, (Oxford University Press, 1993). The section on characteristics of extremism will be useful for those wishing to chart future development on the far sides of the political spectrum. Nazi, Communism, Klansmen and Others on the Fringe is an outstanding book. It should be in the library of, and required reading for, those who wish to understand forms of belief, organizations, and actions that will continue to chal-lenge the political mainstream. Stephen Sloan University of Oklahoma 

English

Nazis, communists, Klansmen, and others on the fringe: Political extremism in America

Perlstadt, Harry

The socio-cultural relevance of I, Claudius

Reeves, Joy B.

Petty, David L.

FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume10No1 May1982 43NEW LEISURE ETHIC: IMPLICATIONS FOR ELDERLY &THE CHURCHTHE WORK ETHICMany in our society were _greatly influencedby our notion ositive a ofwork. The concept of work, in terms of actionsand attitudes, has been very important toAmericans. "Seest thou a man dilig hisbusiness?" asked Cotton Mather inshall stand bef Kings . . . Let bu in-gros t of our time" ( broner, 1976:12-E). Those remarks of the famous Boston cler-gym lar were an early e sionof t b in Ben Franklin'scounse catch yourselfSloth ifficult, buthings new ... As. . g fox catchesntry . . . Time. is money (Poor Richarmana .757).Americans have long been known for td. . to work, a have traregarded their h p. It illdee ono to spend long,. if some-times ty, hours in an office or plant pledg-ing ance to a "work ic".Prior to the Protestant Reformation workFREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGYthe kness, the constant strain,"roner, 1976:12-E)~Volume10No1 May 1982 44FREEINQUIRYinCREATIVESOCIOlOGY Volume10No1 y1982 45FREE INQUIRY in,CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume10No1 May1982 461 .LeisureandPopu-.St. Louis, C. V. MosbyAni Introduc-26.1959. Organizationeday.

New leisure ethic: Implications for elderly & the church

Mason, Drew

BOOK REVIEW SECTION 1 1 5 Henry Bellmon with Pat Bellmon, The Life and Times ofHenry Bellman. (Tulsa, Oklahoma: Council Oaks Books, 1992) pp.381. $24.95 ISBN 093303147. A day or two spent with Henry Bellmon's reminiscence of his 44 years in public service is the equivalent of taking a three-hour graduate course on Cam-paigns and Elections. Clearly, retrospection endows one with marvelous insights about whatever the matter at hand, but Bellmon 's account of his various cam-paigns leaves little doubt that much of his success can be attributed to his innate sense of "politics." Presented in anecdotal fashion, the author reveals time and again that understanding and mastering the fundamentals is an imperative. How simple it is to walk the streets meeting the voters, but how important not to spend more than a few seconds before moving on. Or, who would naturally think to begin working a pool hall from the rear of the building rather than the front in order to avoid being waylaid by boozy conversationalists? Many are the lessons to be learned about the "art" of politics from this master practitioner. But more than a political primer, the book is a catalogue of events that reveals how an ordinary American farmer responded to one of the most exciting and challenging periods in American history. In Bellman's accounting, the ordi-· nary becomes uncommon and the results are history. Those who have had reason to observe Oklahoma politics over the years are familiar with Henry Bellman, and although constituent enthusiasm for his brand of representation may have been seriously challenged on occasion, most can agree that his hallmark has been his integrity. In this book his character is more fully revealed by the stories he tells, and as he does so, a personality emerges that enables the reader to better understand the motivation that powered his most controversial choices. Bellman's wartime experiences were paramount in the development of his interest in elective office. The juxtaposition of killing Japanese on Iwo Jima one week and fraternizing with them in Hawaii the next cast the concept of war in such a bizarre light that he was never able to get over the senselessness of the military solution. This experience contributed to the development of a sense of fairness that is revealed often as he recounts the subsequent events of his life. Returning to Oklahoma as a highly decorated marine officer, he was easily elected to the state house of representatives. Two years later, he was defeated because he failed to campaign for the seat he held. It was the only loss he ever sustained in his long career and one of the most important political lessons he ever learned. When serving as Oklahoma's first Republican governor and the first South-em Republican governor elected since Reconstruction, his sense of fairness kd him in the opposite direction of his party and most other Oklahomans as weill. 116 OKLAHOMA POLITICS I OCTOBER 1993 He readily declared his support for the federal mandate to integrate the schools by busing students if, when, and where necessary. This position, repeated again on numerous occasions after Be limon was elected to the U.S. Senate, was not popular with much ofhis constituency, but the forthrightness of his declaration inured to his benefit. He was reelected to the Senate by voters who said, "I don't always like his position, but at least I know where he stands." Bellmon goes to great lengths to justify his vote on the Panama Canal protocols. It apparently was the one event in his career that made a greater impact on him than anything else and his feelings for it show through as he reprints for the reader his speech on the floor of the Senate. Here again, his thoughtful approach to making his decision focused on fairness and conflict resolution by peaceful means. Unfortunately, his constituents were not as con-cerned with peace and reason as Bellmon was and many considered his vote an act oftreason. Bellmon writes his memoirs in a Hubert Humphrey, "Happy Warrior" style. Can life be all that great? After 44 years of dealing with politicians at all levels of government, isn't there something mad, bad, or mean you would like to say? For instance, after confounding his constituents for the better part of his life, Bellmon is true to form by confusing his readers about his feelings for Ed Gaylord, publisher of the Daily Oklahoman. In his book, Bellmon tells us much about his friendship with Gaylord but fails to reveal how he really felt when Gaylord abused him unmercifully on his editorial pages for years. On another occasion, Bellmon tells the story of his hairbreadth victory in the U.S. Senate race in 1974. After a lengthy court challenge by his opponent, followed by Senate consideration of the dispute, Bellmon won the race by one vote, which he attributes to Senator Lloyd Bentsen. His anger and dismay over the whole proceeding, mildly summed up in one word, "Baloney", is not con-vincing. If Senators Humphrey and Muskie had been more emphatically charac-terized by deleted expletives for their deceitful behavior, the reader could have experienced a greater level of edification and Bellmon would have been more believable. Bellmon's relatively benign reaction, as recounted in these remarkable events, is a reflection of the manner in which he responded to most things. He rarely lost control of his temper. When confronted by disconcerting news, he would often just shake his head, ponder the information in a detached sort of way, and move on to the next subject. In his final chapter entitled "Swan Song", Bellmon reminisces about Presi-dent Bush's visit to the state during the campaign of 1992. It is a fitting, though melancholy, note on which to conclude the story of a distinguished political career. Bellmon, whose popularity has sagged under the burden of years of as-BOOK REVIEW SECTION 1 1 7 suming controversial positions, was denied a place on the platform with the: official presidential greeters, in spite of the fact that he was the Oklahoma State: Chair of the Bush for President campaign two years earlier. Instead, he stands alone in a crowd of partisan enthusiasts, watching the congressman, senator, and candidate for governor - all of whom denied the Bush candidacy in its early days - posture for the cameras and crowd as they try to soak up as much re·· fleeted glory as they can. The hypocrisy of the moment is not lost on Bellmon as he considers the irony of it all. He concludes that he had been there too long, and leaves - the symbolic finale of his political career. After all the anecdotes and riveting references to people and events long gone, Henry Bellmon offers advice on what it takes to serve the public. In his words, "My own career has shown that it is not necessary for an individual to be rich, handsome, eloquent, famous, brilliant, charismatic, or clairvoyant to be elected and serve in high political office. What seems to be necessary is a common touch, a closet free of skeletons, an abundance of energy, the ability to communicate clearly and directly, a supportive family, and a wealth of friends. A refusal to be cowed by long odds helps, as does a sense of humility and a thick skin. Most of my political life, even in the midst of heated controversy, I have felt good about my involvement in politics and government. Sometimes I won; sometimes I lost; but on balance my sense of accomplishment greatly exceeds the frustrations... Its been a good forty-four years. At the same time I'm glad the phoniness is over for me and my family." As historical and political science literature, The Life and Times of Henry Be limon should be required reading. It covers a period of nearly fifty years and sheds light on a raft of people, some forgotten and some still in power. It is a volume that is easily read and full of insights. However, other accounts of the Bellmon years must be added to the literature because this one autobiography simply does not do justice to the subject of Henry Bellmon: enduring, respectedl, public servant. Drew Mason University of Central Oklahoma 118 OKLAHOMA POLITICS I OCTOBER 1993 119 AUTHOR'S NOTES Danny M. Adkison teaches constitutional law at Oklahoma State Univer-sity. He is currently working on a book on Oklahoma's constitution. Gary W. Copeland is Associate Professor of Political Science and Asso-ciate Director of the Carl Albert Congressional Research and Studies Center at the University of Oklahoma. He went to OU in 1980 following a year as an APSA Congressional Fellow. He received his Ph.D. from the University oflowa in 1979. He is the co-editor (with Samuel C. Patterson) of Parliaments in the Modern World (forthcoming, the University of Michigan Press). Corie Delashaw is Instructor of American History at Southeastern Okla-homa State University in Durant, Oklahoma. Her current research concerns Native Americans and Women's issues. She has a Bachelor's and Master's Degree from Southeastern Oklahoma State University. Malcolm E. Jewell is Professor of Political Science at the University of Kentucky. His primary research interests are in state legislatures, leadership, and legislative elections; and in state political parties and primary elections. Melanie McCoy is presently serving as a consultant to Humboldt State University, Arcata, California, developing Native American studies courses. Her research on minority politics in the U.S. has appeared in Women and Politics and Oklahoma Politics. John David Rausch, Jr., is finishing his Ph.D. at the University of Okla-homa where he is a fellow at the Carl Albert Congressional Research and Stud-ies Center. His dissertation examines the role of entrepreneurs in the term limita-tion movement. His other interests include legislative studies, direct democracy, and religion and politics. Cindy Simon Rosenthal is a Doctoral Fellow at the Carl Albert Congres-sional Research and Studies Center at the University of Oklahoma. 

Life and times of Henry Bellmon

Cross, John R.

Complete spring 2002 issue

Carnes, Cathy

Little league baseball as a social system

Varacalli, Joseph A.

Social change in the American Catholic Church

Almquist, Elizabeth M.

Darville, Ray L.

The arithmetic of affirmative action: Procedures for analyzing sex differences in faculty salaries

Harvey, Patricia Atcheson

FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume10No1 May1 ,2 29EXPANSIONS & CONTRACnONS: SOCIOLOGICAL LABOR PAINS'Patricia Atcheson Harvey, Colorado State UniversityTHE SOCIOLOGY MISSIONThe of the sociologist as interpre-ter, intervener and arbitrator among i du-als, groups, and society ha~ long been atissue. It was at first presumed that eventuallysociology wo give birth to a unitary, normalscience par m. As Coleman points out,Comte had a motivation to influecourse of society. "He had a conce f thatknow nd the prediction it would al asleading to' a ientific anism'" (Coleman1978 His view was conservative andgroup-oriented. cial entists were to serveas a guiding elite providing the b r ra-tional plan ring about new order fromwhat he saw as deterioration of existi ialorder. (Bealer 1979:87).In the ensuing years the concern foring guidance within a framework which makesposs tific humanism" rather than dis-cerning these as irreconcilable terms hasmuch plagued the discipline.SOCIAL UTIONISMSpencer's evolutionary scheme asserts so-cial sele n as concommitant with naturalselection. He foresaw human perfection as in-evit repudiation of state interferencewith natural growth of society led hipose state aid to the poor who wereshould be adter: 41) Privatecharity e poor was actuailly fe.r 'ofenha altruism in the supsrather than providing comfort foHe saw it as the task of sociologcourse of evolution, not attempt tcourse. Andrew Car andreneurs embraced this happy jtheir unimpeded bylion erence toward greatness succe eed Spencer'sgovernment regulation have tooresurgence of his ilosophies.(Timasheff and TheOOorson: 197644).less en likely to be· currentlymounted Darwinist ofSpencer'a er for improving the race'through eliminating widows, orphans eold. (Mlllrtindale: 1981' 167). Their "survivalistviews" were incompatible with the consocial equality.FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 10No 1 May 1982 30Others progress to their own "advanced" societies,d comparative historical data in theFREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY 31FREEINQUIRYinCREATIVESC;>CIOLOGY Volume10No1 May1982 32functional structures servi the legitimation experts may also surface as reve-id ts. All institutions and legiti-human products notexternal to in-FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY 12 33FREE INQUIRY in CREAriVE SOCIOLOGY Volume10No1 May 1982 34o-sociology" in I. L.Images: ASage.ucture ofSci·University ofp 28)

Expansions & contractions: Sociological labor pains

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