OSU Journals (Oklahoma State University)

Rigney, Daniel

Analogies in sociological theory

Dabrowski, Irene

English

Phenomenological analysis of community paradigms

Armstrong, Edward G

FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology Volume 8 No 2 November 1980 186URBAN SEX INSTITUTIONSEdward G Armstrong, New York Instititute of TechnologyINTRODUCTION Contemporaryurban society provides opportuni-ties for sexual activity far remov-ed from the emotional bonds andexclusiveness which characterizeromantic relations. These activi-ties are rigidly segregated alongheterosexua I-homosexua I lines.Heterosexual couples can go to"swinging" centers to watch orjoin group sex, and men can visit"nude" bars where female "dan-cers" offer sexual services at theclient's table. Similarly, onlyhomosexual contacts are possibleat publ ic restrooms used by anony-mous men for immediate fellatioand in "gay" bars which have aback room for sex. These sexualdivisions permeate parallel activi-ties. Prostitution is common inboth popu la tions and is consti tu-ted by simi lar modes of operation,by publ ic sol icitation, and bytelephone. I n these relations,there is virtually no overlap be-tween heterosexua I and homosexua Ii nsti tutions.Here we will compare a hetero-sexual and a homosexual facilitywhich is widely distributed: mas-sage parlors and gay baths. Iwi II first describe typical parlorsand baths as sex institutions,and second, I will delimit common-alities and differences betweenparlors and baths as commericallocales, as negotiated joint acts,and as contexts of impersonal sex.DESCRIPTIONS & DEFINITIONSThere are numerous defi nitionsof parlors and baths. One authordescribes the massage parlor as a"hit-and-run brothel, combiningthe virtues of low overhead andhigh turnover" (Sheehy 1973 120).Other terms include model studio,rap parlor, body painting studio,and lei sure spa. Often the estab-lishment is not generically label-ed, but goes by a \proper name,such as Dating Room, HappyPlace, Her Place, and more com-monly, the Tender Touch. Gaybaths are "licensed men's healthclubs that provide settings forimpersonal homosexual sex (Wein-berg & Williams 1975).Another author says gay bathsare: "Turkish baths where thebathing is not as popular as thesex, orgy-style. Often baths en-deavor to compete for the tradewith novel decors, a bigger orgyroom or other gimmicks to attractgay clientele" (Rodgers 197228).Slang synonyms include den, hy-giene hall, skin room, the tubs,and whorehouse. The standardpract ice is for ba ths to advert i zeunder the heading "club" in news-papers and guides for tourists. Alisting of "Joe's Club For MenOnly" signifies the nature of theestablishment. At times, guide-books may explicitly recognizethat the "club" is a gay bath(Hurwood 1973 156). While manyga y ba ths i ncorpora te the term"baths", others do not. For exam-ple, there is Dave's, The Bar-racks, and Man's Country.• These parlors and baths fit Mer-ton's paradigmatic descrip.tion of"institutionalized evasions of insti-tutionalized rules." "Evasions ofinstitutionalized rules are them-selves institutionalized when theyare 1) patterned in a fairly well-defi ned types; 2) adopted by sub-stantial numbers of people ratherthan bei ng sca ttered subterfugesindependently and privately arriv-ed at; 3) organized in the formof a fairly elaborate social ma-chinery made up of tacitly cooper-ating participants, includingthose who are socially chargedwith implementing the rules; 4)rarely punished and when theyare, punished in largely symoblicforms that serve primari Iy to reaf-firm the sanctity of the rules"(Merton 1971 834).First, parlors and baths aredistinctively defined, and thereare well-defi ned types of both par-lors and baths. There are mas-sage and masturbation parlorsand those that feature a completearray of sexual services. Thereis also a distinction between atraditional massage parlor,FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology Volume 8 No 2 November 1980 187offering a masseuse in a privateroom, and the leisure spa, whichis bigger and better equipped(Esperanto 1978). Leisure spashave showers, a sauna, and lock-ers.Baths can also be classed inseveral ways. There may be largedifferences in physical plant.Some baths include the minimumof an orgy room, cubicles, steamroom, and showers, whi Ie othersprovide a wide array of relatedstructures. These structures in-clude television rooms, bars,weight rooms, theaters, sunrooms, indoor tracks, and disco-dance floors. There are alterna-tive orgy room decors which rangefrom one modeled after a subwaybathroom to an actual full-sizesem i -tractor and tra i Ier truck.Further, baths are divided accord-ing to clientele, by age, socialclass, and the time of maximumpopularity.Second, parlors and baths areadopted by substantial numbers ofpeople. During 1976, the New YorkCity Office of Midtown Planningcounted 64 parlors located from30th to 60th Streets in Manhattan.Police estimate that there are 371massage parlors in San Diego.And the presence of chains of gaybaths hints at their prevalence.One nation-wide chain lists bathsin 36 cities, and announces thatit has over 300,000 members, orindividual patrons who have visit-ed thei r ba ths one or more ti mesin the past year (The Advoca te1977) •Third, combining Merton's thirdand fourth characteri st i cs, nei therparlors nor baths are the subjectof constant pol ice attention. AI-thought there are occasional po-lice raids, baths are typically un-disturbed by control agents (Wein-stein & Williams 1975). A possiblereason for th isis tha t ba ths re-maina secret to the "stra i ght"world, even though they may belocated in apartment comp lexescatering to average citizens. Forexample, a baths facility is locat-ed in an apartment complex in aresidenti al section of a San D I egobeach area. But massage parlorsare the focus of media attentionand citizen protests. There is agroup called C.A.M.P. for CitizensAgai nst Massage Parlors whichdi rects camp Ia i nts to lega I author-ities and information to the wivesof patrons. Nevertheless, officialchallenges to massage parlors arelargely symbol ic. Often it is aparticular parlor that is opposedand often the reason is not thenature of the facility, but that itis too close to a school or church.COMMONALITIES & DIFFERENCESTh is sect i on will focus on threefactors concern i ng parlors andbaths: 1) as commercial locales,2) as negotiated joint acts, and3) as contexts of impersonal sex.Commerical Locales. Massageparlors and gay baths are 'locatedon permanent sites and publiclyknown by commercial names. Un-like pub Ii c p Iaces used for sexua Iexchanges or for arranging suchcontacts, parlors and baths havetheir own territories. Regular VISI-tors know wha t to expect and as-sume that the site is permanent.Often, addresses are listed in thetelephone di rectory. Parlors andba ths are commerc i a I estab Ii sh-ments, privately owned and opera-ted to generate financial profit.In parlors, male patrons pay fora massage administered by a fe-male worker. The amount is recor-ded and tax withholdi ngs are bas-ed on the worker's share of theinitial fee. Generally, the patronmust ti p the masseuse if he wantsmore than a massage. The initialfee on I y g u a ra n tees some form oftouching. In baths, patrons canrent a small room or cubicle, orat less expense, a locker. Herethe initial fee pays for every-thing. Workers in baths are merefunctionaries, sell ing drinks, pro-viding towels, and collecting theprice of admission. Sexual activi-ties are reserved to the cl ientson their own initiative.Negotiated Joint Acts. In par-lors and bat~someone touchesanother. In ba ths, certa in touch-in g is a mere non-verba I form ofgreeting. Parlor customers pay tobe touched. I n both instances,by external forces. Visitors to thebaths may leave due to the un-wanted intrusion of third parties.The time allotted for the massagemay have passed, leaving the pat-ron with the choice of paying foranother massage or leaving with-out comp leti ng the negoti a ti on andreceiving no sexual stimulation.When negot i at i on is reduced toits essential elements, parlorsand baths feature the meeting oftwo or more persons. These pers-ons are members of the gatheringin that they engage in a jointact, di rect Iyin each others' ~re­sence, direct i ng a tten t i on and ad-justing responses to each other.The term joi nt-act focuses on ongo-ing aspects rather than the moreformal characteristics specified bythe concept of pri mary group. Butparlors and baths are involved ac-tivities similar to those of sexualpartners in the primary group re-lationship.The pri mary group is a set ofindividuals in intimate face-to-face association who express theirmutual identification by the wordwe (Cooley 192923). Generally,Tn parlors and baths, the pre-sence of a we feeling simply can-not be known in advance. Thisbasic point can be summarized.In parlors, the owner estal;>lishesthe in i t i a I fee, and the workerreceives a percentage. Customerspay before entering a massageroom. The price depends on thetype of massage. For a straightmassage, the charge may be $10.The female worker remains clothedand the patron cannot touch her.For $30, in a service called asuperswitch, the worker is nudeand the patron can touch her. Analternative is for the worker andthe patron to split the difference.The patron pays the minimum feefor astra i ght massage, but re-ceives the superswitch. The mas-seuse gets $10. added to her tip.The client saves, the girl profits,and the owner loses. Having cheat-ed the owner, the conspiratorsmay share a we feeling. The sameprocess appl ie5 in other dyadicrelations. The cab driver may de-lay starti ng the meter unti I theFREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociologytouching mayor may not lead tostimulation of genitalia, and mayor may not be reciprocal. This isthe most important feature ofthese sex i nsti tutions. Touch i ng isonly the first move in a complexand immediate encounter that evol-ves into a process of bargainingand diplomacy. Here touching isthe beginning and a constant ele-ment of the .negotiation for sex.The rules of the negotiation pro-cess are not extensive. The gameframework developed by Lyman &Scott (1970 5) is helpful. A gamemodel is based on a concept i on ofman as a "goal seeking, voluntar-istic, intentional actor." The par-lor and baths negotiation processfi ts under the headi ng of a posi-tive relationship game in which"the interactants undertake a lineof action to achieve a greaterintimacy" (Lyman & Scott 1970).These moves constitute a dialecticbecause each contains elements ofthe other, and seeks to evol vethe appropriate sequential re-sponse.The negoti ation process has 3stages. For the introduction orfirst move, A touches B. This isthe tentative exploration of theother. I n a massage parlor, themasseuse beg ins the touch i ng anddiscloses, perhaps in the sensuous-ness of .moti on, her des ire to bepropositioned. The client at thebaths touches someone and disclos-es by remaining in the area, hisdesire to be propositioned. Nextthere is the invitation stage. Binvites or propositions A. In aparlor, the patron tells the work-er what he wants. In the baths,the usua I pract i ce is to touch theother in some erotic manner. Fin-ally, there is the acceptance orrejection stage. Person A mayagree to a sexual relation, ormay end the encounter. The mas-seuse may disclaim doing such,things, or the money offered maynot be enough to persuade her.In the baths, A's touch may havebeen only a greeting, and he maynot wish to respond to a sexua Iproposal.Negotiation is precarious. Itcan be hal ted by ei ther person orVo Iume 8 No 2 November 1980 188FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociologymiddle of the trip, remarking thatthe company makes too muchmoney. A waitress may omit cer-tain items which she has servedfrom the bi II, sayi ng tha t thefood is too expensive. I n bothinstances, the motive is to get abigger tip, share advantage withthe patron and bilk the employer.Both want an extra share, andcamaraderi e between worker andpatron is likely to result.In baths, customer density isimportant. I f there are on I y afew persons present, they may be-gin talking when otherwise, suchactions would be prohibited. Isola-tion may yield other innovations.Sexual activity in unconventionalplaces such as the television roommay occur. On a busy night, allcubicles may be rented, and otherprivate areas, including space inthe orgy room may be unavai 1-able. Orgy room sex implies thatothers may watch or join. Compat-ible couples cannot continue un-interrupted by i ntrud i ng partners,and they may have to leave toget pri vacy. The shared frustra-tion may create a we feeling.Contexts of I mpersona I Sex.I mpersonal sex has been defi nedas "sexual activity without anypersonal involvement whatsoeverbetween sexua I partners" (Wei n-berg & Williams 1975). The sameaut hor i tiesack now ledgethat t hisdescription exaggerates the im-personality in parlors and baths.A more serious problem is the im-plicit assumption that sex withcommitment is personal sex, andthat personal sex and sex withcommitment are the necessary con-sequences of standard romantic en-counters. The nature of relationsis seen as a form with a pre-determined content. But as shock-ed defendants in divorce proceed-ings tell us, long term sexualpartners ma y hard I y know one an-other and may misjudge theother's commitment. The personalnature of sex is best defined asa continually changing dimensionconsitituted by participants dur-ing a specific time and at aparticular place. The personal-impersonal qualities may varyVolume 8 No 2 November 1980 189within a sex act sufficiently thatany classification is arbitrary.Despite past usage, there is norelatively complete and precise an-swer to the question: "What isimpersonal sex?" I t is better toavoid the question and to developan alternative characteristic ofsexual contexts. One may considerthe manner in which sexual parti-cipation is constrained by motiva-tional or external factors. Sexualactivitiy between romantically in-volved or legally joined personsare externafly unregulated. Theydepend on motivational factorssuch as moods and interests. Sex-ual activity in commercial localesis prim~rily limited by externalfactor's such as the ava i lab iii tyof potential partners and the cli-ent's financial resources. The nat-ure of external constraints isvastly different in parlors andbaths.To begin, the reality of a mas-sage parlor as a sexual contextis often precarious. I n gay bathsthe availability of sex is presum-ed. Even in the most suspectedparlors, only the potential forsex exists. We are dealing withan emergent phenomenon for norm-ality lies in the possibility thatsome things will happen sometimesbut not necessari I y. Certa in estab-lishments may be fraudulent. Theymay exist to trick sex-seekingmen into paying for massage by asexual come-on, and then fai I todeliver (Hong et al. 1975). Fur-ther, the masseuse that is select-ed or assigned may list the pat-ron as undesirable or find thetip insufficient to justify sexualservice (Armstrong 1978). In gaybaths, everyone can expect somesex, al though "older or over-weight patrons may spend muchtime cruising with little success"(Weinberg & Williams 1975). Assum-ing the crowd is large and thelighting is poor, even a grotesquelooking person can expect somesexual contact. The term steam-daddy refers to a "middle agedhomosexual spendi ng most of histime in the cloudy steamroom ofthe baths" (Rodgers 1972 28).Sex in a massage parlor isFREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociologybetween a customer and a worker.The masseuse is dispensing scarceservices. The customer must be onguard not to' di sturb the ba lanceof a successfully negotiated jointact. If he does, the services maybe wi thhel d. In ba ths, rejectedpropositions are not important be-cause other partners are read i I yavailable. And a rejection doesnot transl ate into a loss of moneyas it does in parlors where signsclearly announce: "no refunds."Massage parlors impose otherexternal constra i nts not sharedwith baths. In parlors, initialfees pay for a limited amount ofthe masseuse's time. Occasionally,a timer is set and an alarm ringswhen the purchased period is com-pleted. But in baths, the usualpractice is to allow customers eith-er 12 or 24 hour periods for theprice of admission, although thereare exceptions. Particularly elab-orate baths duri ng peak periodsmay limit the patron's stay to 2hours. Another factor is the hori-zon for potential future contactsbetween partners. Massage parlorowners discourage outside -contactsbetween thei r workers and pa t-rons. No such restrictions existfor those who meet at the baths,and there is an unlimited horizonfor future contacts.CONCLUSIONMassage parlors and gay bathsare sex institutions. Their keyfeatures are simi lar. Both are con-stituted by negotiated joint acts.But the classification of par'lorsand ba ths as con tex ts of i mperson-al sex is rejected. Instead, thesesex i nsti tutions are best under-stood as sexual contexts different-ly restricted by external factors.Parlors impose ti ght restrictionswhile baths are relatively openand permissive.REFERENCES.Advocate 1977 231 2 23 Dec 28.Armstrong Edward G 1978 Massageparlors & their customers. Arch-ives of Sexual Behavior 7 117-125March.Bryant C, C Palmer 1975 Massageparlors and hand whores: SomeVolume 8 No 2 November 1980 190sociological observations. J of SexResearch 11 227-241 Aug.Cooley C H 1929 Social Organiza-tion New York Scribner.Esperanto Tony 1978 Naked city:consumer's guide to erotic enter-tainment. Screw: Sex Review 51127-31 Dec 18.Hong L, W Darrough, R Duff 1975Sensuous ri p-off: consumer fraudturns blue. Urban Life & Culture3 464-470 Jan•Hurwood Bernhardt 1973 SensuousNew Yorker. New York Award Books• Lyman S, M Scott 1970 A Socio-logy of the Absurd. New York Ap-p leton Century Crofts• Merton R K 1971 Soc i a I prob Iemsand sociological theory. Contem-porary Social Problems. R Merton& R Nisbet eds. 3rd edition NewYork Harcourt Brace Janovich793-845.Rodgers Bruce 1972 Queen's Verna-cular: Gay Lexicon. San FranciscoStra i gh t Arrow Books.Sheehy Gail 1973 Hustling. NewYork Dell.Weinbnerg M, C Williams 1975Gay baths and the social organiza-tion of impersonal sex. Social Pro-blems 23 124-136 Dec

Urban sex institutions

This study examines the emergence of crime as the nation's "most important problem" for the first time in U.S. polling history in 1994. By comparing polling data, news coverage waves, and crime statistics, the analysis challenges the argument that shifting media coverage is driven by public sentiment. It does so by demonstrating that a dramatic change in public opinion polls was precipitated by an unprecedented news coverage wave at a time when crime levels were actually falling. The study thus underscores the leading role media can play in the emergence of social problems and casts doubt on the notion that escalating expenditures for the American criminal justice system are driven principally by public demand

Loo, Dennis

Creating a crime wave: The 1990

Darden, Donna K

Sieger, Don

FREEINQUIRYin<2REATIVES0CI0l0GY Volume10No1 May1982 59BACKLASH IDEOLOGY: THE ANTI-FEMINIST LITERATUREDonna K. Darden and Don Sieger, University of ArkansasINTRODUCTIONMost social movements engender responsefrom conservative elements of societies. Thesources of these responses can bedichotomized ponses from outsidersagainst whom tne vement is directed, andrespon from in rs for whom the move-ment is ended. . nse from outsidersmay a form ntainment and is oftendoc , sanc ,Ioned ;and legitimated inthe and elsewhere. White back todesegregation has been well represented inwritten documents which probably reflect thebeliefs of a substantial number of whites whoopposed desegregation.The bac hfrom within, however, often isnot documented..Yet this· insiders' backlash isimportant. As Coser (1957) says,·"In the mod-ern world, just as in.the medieval world, vestedinterests exert pressure for the maintenance ofesta ed routines." Co ict. . these ves-ted inte ts is necessary for the prevention ofsocial ossification and" "ty.Onesuccesapproach he g on and promulgationof the new norms .oser thinks necessary isthrough understanding the. processes bywhich vested int sts exert pressure: theideol of backInsi lash from the feminist move-ment, .the ideological revitalization ofFriedan (1963) called the feminine mystique,has. been I imated .and published, in theform of books and speeches, so that the ideol-ogy is for sis.The of feminine mystique can bestbe express y Friedan: "Thefemi ne mys-tique says t the highestvalue andonlycom-mittment for·w is the fulfillment of theirown f ininity... mistake says thetique, the root of women's troubles in theis that women en men, women trimen, instead of accepting their own na ur$whichcan f fulfillment only in sexuaity, male' dominance and nurturilove...the new mystiq . . the housemother who never had a chance to be anythingelse, the model for all women...a pattern bywhich all women must now live or deny theirfemininity." (Friedan, 1963)FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGYM EThere is an apparent divergence in the mes-sages of the ks. While overall the mes-s are "subservience" and "manipulation,"a large, honest, whereasAndelin advocates dishonesty as the best pol-INTROPUNITIVE TRAITSDenial of Membership: Both authors .denytheir membership in the groups t ass,in effect, by writing their books.to give the impressions thattice what they preach, they are somewhate or out of the fracas. They recommendtionwith the inantgroup, wa very itar trait. saofinine perfectionown. The things we women ire in eachother are rarely attractive to men. On the otherhand, the characteris h the averagewoman ignores· or condemns in anotherwoman are som es just the characteristicswhich make her fascinating to men."Volume10No1 May1982 61band a superficialegobo.ost; even a fool willsee .through flattery." Andelin, too, protests,saying that honesty is one of the most impor-tant virtues. Her advice, however, r diffe-rently: "Some of these actions may seem un-natural to you, at . If they do, you have to bean actress' to succeed~.." Through a er in-ter logic, is no onest,ever fin unnatural to ein a chit e way, remember, as d this re-sponse was natural to you. It was only ingrow-ing up that you lost it. You need only recapturethat which belongs to you by nature."Strengthening In-Group Ties: The whole"movernent," especially the classes, repre-sents a sort of affirmation of the group. Bothauthors capitalize on this, referring to "us girls,""we wives," etc., emphasiZing the unity andshared feelings.Enhanced Striving: Striving should be onlyin the direction of increased "womanliness,"asadvocated in the books. Ot 0 ingare a big negative; one should strive only to bea TW or FW, never·competing with men. Mor-gan says, "Once you begin yourhuspand, you can stop wor yourrole as chief advisor. He doesnvice; he needs your acceptance." con-tinues in that vein: "Do not try to help him solvehis problem. This is not what a reallywants from a woman. One tthreats to a man~s position of number one iswhen his wife earnestly pursues a career." En-hanced striving, except to be a morewomanly person, is definitely too extropunitivea trait to~ endorsed.EXTROPUNITIVE TRAITSObsessive Concern: Perhaps the over-whelming example of excessive concern is thefact that it seems to be necessary to buy abook in order to learn how to be a good wife,TW or FW. Considering how natural and."in-nate" the authors suppose such things to be, itwould not seem mandatory to have to learnthem from these books.Slyness and Cunning: Allport says, "Cun-ning is not confined to forms of stealing. It en-taUs all sorts of pretense. One ingratiates one-self, flatters, gains favor, plays the clown, andgenerally cheapens the ethics of human rela-tions in the interests of both survival and re-venge." Both books, especially Andelin's, con-tain a myriad of examples of slyness and cun-ning. Morgan devotes a whole chapter to therewards to be derived from admiring and ffat-tering him upon his body. One method Andelinsuggests for causing a "man to want to dothings for her" is admiration. "What a manwants you to admire more than anything elseare his manlyqualities. Admiring his mascuity is, in fact, one of the keys to winning a man'slove and devotion. Stop doing anything whichrequires masculine strength, skill or aThen you will have to eliminate any tendencyto be independent, ci orcapable in mas-culine skills or abilities." Morgan is sl01me1wh~ltmore realistic:. "...don't overdo it. Give him onlythe jars you really can't handle."Do they see these pieces of advice as goadsto dishonesty? There are indications thatthdo, because both protest. Morgan says, "I amnot advocating that you lie to give your hus-FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGYicy. The result is probably the same, as Mor-gan does not have a high conception ofwomen's abilities.The most striking feature of the messages ofthe books is their resemblance to social psy-cholog· literature concerning personality re-sults of minority membership. Gordon Allport's(1954) description of "Traits Due to Victimiza-tion" describes much more succinctly than dothe authors the attributes which both of thesewomen· advocate as desirable. Allport findstwo kinds of personality consequences of vic-timization, which he says occur in either the in-tropunitive or the extropunitive individual, thedifference being in the direction which the hos-tility takes.FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume10No1 May1982 62FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume10No1 May1982 68n Habermas: A New,No. 83.1. "Critical Theory isr 80: 449-479.t. 1971. Critical Theory of. New York: Seabury.(From p 62)t Snell and Gail J. Putney. 1964. TheAmerican. New York: Harper andRow.Teaching Sociology. 1977. Textbook RatingFormt rt 112.

Backlash ideology: The anti-feminist literature

Bullard, Robert D

Black housing in the golden buckle of the Sunbelt

Inquiry, Free

FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology Volume 8 No 2 November 1980Cover design: Hobart Jackson, University of Kansas School of ArchitectureTABLE OF CONTENTSAuthor Title PageDonal Muir Becalmed in murky waters: measurement 113D Astle, R Dodder Accepting a woman president 117R Smith, B Asher Organizational accounts 121Karen Holmes Justice for whom? Rape victims assess system 126K Jones, P Harvey Modeling rock band & audience interaction 131Doug Ias Sa tterfi el d Vio Ien t na ture of system ideo logy 135Lembright, Riemer Driving for tradition: women truckers 139John Welsh Revolutionary subjectivity & Marxist sociology 143Johnson, Trimble Battered Women: some relevant variables 150Gloria Engel Family medicine, group practice, & satisfaction 155C Black, R Seward Research vs teaching in social science 159Alex Freedman Sociologist as entertainer 165Robert Bullard Black housing in gold buckle of sunbelt 169J & D Bardo, Steiber Empirical assessment of attitudes 173Kevin Bales What introductory sociology students learn 178o Lawrence, R Guy Methods for measuring life satisfaction 181Edward Armstrong Urban sex institutions 186William Woodman Effect of instructor rank on student evaluation 191A Shupe, D Bromley Reverse missionizing: Moon Unification movement 197Francis Gross Moral development theory: Koh Iberg vs Perry 204Brocato, Lundgren War forever? 209D Allen, S Cavaness Poisson analysis of adolescent love for parents 213W Martin, M Victor Power & punition: conflict in labeling theory 217Handberg, Maddox Attitudes toward war: changing times 220AUTHOR INDEX, Volume 8, 1980 223Erratum, Vol 7 No 2 1979 re Richard Enos 116PUBLISHED May-November, Sociology Consortium: Oklahoma, Oklahoma State,Central State & Tulsa Universities. Sponsor: Oklahoma Sociological Assn.SUBSCRIPTIONS, MANUSCRIPTS TO: Editor FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology,Sociology Dept, Oklahoma State University, Sti Ilwater OK 74078. Manuscriptprocessing fee, $15. includes a one-year subscription. Use ASR guidelinesfor references. Same subscription charge, $8. to individuals and libraries.FREE INQUIRY is nationally refereed, nationally distributed & abstractedin SOCIOLOGICAL ABSTRACTS.FREE INQUIRY MISSION: Provide efficient outlet for informative, innovativearticles, well diversified in all sociological fields, in each issue. Weeconomize words, journal space, & production costs, with 24 compactar.ticles, of about 3500 words, per issue.STAFF: Managing Editor Donald E AI'len; Associate Editors, R Habenstein,Edward Levine & Marcello Truzzi. Consulting Editors Alan Acock, CharlesHarper, Charles Edgley, Man Das, Joan Luxenburg-Ingle, Godfrey Ellis.GOVERNING BOARD: Gene Acuff, Jean Blocker, W McBride, Wynn Steglich.REVIEWERS: W Adams, J Bynum, J Chafetz, D Darden, R Francis,P Harvey, N Kalia, L Levy, W MacNair, M McGee, R Manuel,J Mayo, M Miller, R Mohan, C· Munson, W Pearman, G Peters,J Reeves, L Reynolds, R Smith, K Stewart, R Turner, D Weinstein@ Oklahoma State University. 1980

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Analogies in sociological theory

Phenomenological analysis of community paradigms

Urban sex institutions

Creating a crime wave: The 1990

Backlash ideology: The anti-feminist literature

Black housing in the golden buckle of the Sunbelt

Table of contents

The rhetoric of aerobics: Physical fitness as religion

Collective behavior: From static psychology to static sociology?

The realization of values

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