労働概念の歴史（3）

ドイツの社会史家，ヴェルナー・コンツェによると，19 世紀中頃になると，労働の経済化の進展により，失業や貧困などの社会問題が拡大し，労働の概念にも社会の視点が現れ，広がっていった．リベラルの場合，楽観的な，進歩の考えを指向した世界像の中での労働と自由の結合が特徴的だった．しかし，19 世紀の中頃に，自由と労働の関係の中に，社会問題がますます取り入れられるようになっていった．それに対し，保守派は，始めからリベラルな国民経済学やその適用に反対し，労働の経済化や分業を拒否し，生活の中へのキリスト教の新たな浸透を求めていた．労働は再びキリスト教的に理解されるべきものだった．リベラルや保守と違い，社会主義の先駆者たちは，平等な社会を求めた．彼らは，財産を問題視し，労働と必要のみが，社会的平等という意味での，新しい社会の基礎にあるとした．マルクスにとっても，労働は人間の本質をなすが，ヘーゲル的な精神化されたものではなかった．それ故，いわゆる世界史全体は，人間の，労働を通じた人間の生産以外の何者でもない．マルクスは，将来的に共産主義において，資本主義的に外的に規定された労働における疎外の止揚の後に，人間は，開放された労働者として，自身を実現するとした．コンツェによると，マルクスから，近代の労働の世界を理解するという新たな努力が始まった．According to German historian Werner Conze, up until the middle of the 19th century, at the time of the economization of labor, social problems such as unemployment and poverty were so widespread that it was impossible to evaluate work purely from an economic perspective; therefore, a social perspective was required. Characteristic of liberals at that time was the optimistic view that work, liberated from its feudalistic bonds, could solve social ills and bring about widespread prosperity. However, around the middle of the century, in the face of growing social tensions, even liberal thinkers began to reject the view that the liberalization of work alone could constitute the ultimate solution, and they came to the conclusion that some kind of social protection for workers was necessary.Conservatives opposed liberal economic ideas such as the economization or division of labor from the outset. They believed that the revival of Christian ideas was necessary for the solution of social problems. Therefore, they held that work must be reorganized entirely on the basis of traditional Christian principles.Unlike the liberals and the conservatives, early socialists sought social equality, which they thought would lead to no worker being exploited. They rejected the notion of private property and believed that it was work and exigency alone that could lay the foundation for social equality.Much like Hegel, Marx thought that work was essential for human beings, by which, however, he did not mean the Hegelian spiritualized kind of work. For Marx, world history is the production of human beings through labor. According to him, in future communism, alienation in work, which is externally imposed by capitalism, would cease to take place, and human beings could realize themselves as liberated workers.Conze argues that the new endeavor to explore the modern world of work begins with Marx

＜論文＞20 世紀初頭の日本における田園都市の経済思想 : フランスを参照例として

本稿の目的は、20世紀初頭の日本における田園都市に関する言説を分析することによって、都市・住居の近代化を通じて実現しようとした理想の社会・経済の姿を明らかにすることである。方法論としては、個別の論者の思想を体系的に掘り下げるのではなく、大量観察法、すなわち、官民にわたる多くの田園都市構想を網羅的に収集・分析する方法を採用する。 まず、１）田園都市構想の担い手の多様性を確認し、２）田園都市が希求された当時の社会・経済状況を析出する。つぎに、３）田園都市のデザインを都市計画というマクロの側面と住居の特性というミクロの側面の両面から分析する。最終的に、4）上記の分析結果を公衆衛生、家族・道徳、不況・失業、コミュニティ・連帯の４つの論点で整理し、日本の田園都市構想を連帯思想と解釈できるという結論を導く。This paper aims to clarify the ideal society pursued through the modernization of cities and residences by analyzing the discourse in Japan on garden cities in the early 20th century. As a methodology, rather than taking up majors figures individually, we adopt the mass observation method, that is, a method of collecting and analyzing comprehensively many garden-city concepts that span the public and private sectors.First, we will confirm 1) the diversity of the leaders of the garden city movement, and 2) the socioeconomic conditions at the time when the garden city was introduced in Japan. Next, 3) we will analyze the design of a garden city from both the macro aspect of urban planning and the micro aspect of residential modernization. Finally, by organizing the results of the above analysis in four areas: public health, family and morality, recession and unemployment, and community and solidarity, we will draw the conclusion that the Japanese Garden City Thoughs can be interpreted as a solidarity thought as well as French ones

日英中3言語の「甘い」の比較

Jantima（1999）points out that the Japanese adjective amai（sweet）can be used in the negative sense of ‘insufficiently precise/strict’, which is not observed in Thai or English. To identify the possible source of the difference, the present study examines the meaning of amai and of the corresponding expressions in English and Chinese（sweet and 甜, respectively）, as well as their antonyms. Consultation with monolingual and bilingual dictionaries has led to the following findings:（ⅰ）Amai, sweet, and 甜 share the basic meaning of ‘containing sugar’ and have the connotation of comfort. While all the three languages allow the semantic extension of the target word to the nonpositive meaning of ‘pleasant on the surface with possible danger lurking behind’, only amai in Japanese has the negative meaning of ‘inadequate for the lack of precision’.（ⅱ）The antonym of amai is karai, which means ‘containing such stimulative substance as salt, spice, or an excessive amount of alcohol’（ⅲ）English has two antonyms of sweet, namely, bitter and sour, both of which are unpleasant characteristics. There is no English word precisely corresponding to karai, with salty or hot as the closest synonyms.（ⅳ）The antonym of 甜 is 苦, meaning ‘bitter’ and ‘painful’.The results show that the antonyms of the English sweet and Chinese 甜 describe unpleasant or even painful characteristics, and therefore sweet and 甜 can only convey the meaning of pleasant characteristics. This is in contrast with the Japanese amai, which implies the lack of stimulative substance as salt, spice, or alcohol. Where such substance is considered a necessary ingredient, the lack thereof can lead to a negative meaning of insufficient rigor

小学校での英語教育に関する研究 : 東アジア諸国の事例と比較して

This paper focuses on English teaching in elementary schools in East Asian countries, especially comparing that of South Korea and Japan, by analyzing the current situation and considering the future directions.South Korea started English teaching in elementary schools 14 years earlier than Japan. The results of the analysis showed that the current educational goals are the same in terms of fostering basic communication skills and promoting cross-cultural understanding. The instructors are mainly homeroom teachers in both countries, but there are also teachers who specialize in English. The percentage of teachers who specialize in English is about 30% in South Korea and about 10% in Japan. Regarding teacher training, the universities in South Korea offer a considerable number of subjects related to English teaching in elementary schools, which can be used as a reference for teacher training when Japan needs to increase the number of specialized teachers in the future.Furthermore, a survey on the attitudes of children in the two countries was conducted and the results were compared to that of the same survey conducted 20 years earlier (Maeda, 2001). In the current survey, the item that showed a similar trend between Japan and South Korea was “positive attitude toward English,” while the items that showed a difference were “enjoyment of the class,” “difficulty of the class,” and “usefulness of learning English.” The differences between the old and new surveys were that the percentage of children who found the classes difficult increased in both Japan and South Korea, and the percentage of Japanese children who answered that they disliked English also increased