Navigating the Future through Experimental Policy Design

Innovative strategies in public policy design are crucial to effectively address the complex and interconnected environmental challenges governments face today. The intricate and uncertain nature of these problems often requires experimental coproduction solutions that integrate and synthesize diverse areas of expertise and stakeholder viewpoints and demand experimental and adaptive capacity to respond in turbulent times. As policy-generative experiments in policy design spread and gain legitimacy, they pose substantial challenges: What challenges do governments encounter in implementing experimental coproduction solutions, and what capacities should public organizations develop to navigate complex and uncertain issues effectively? This article analyses the innovative patterns in policy design experiments and the public sector’s capacities to develop in the twenty-first century. It illustrates this discussion with the case of Uruguay’s soil conservation management plans (SUMPs) as an example of experimental public policy to address land degradation and promote sustainable land management practices. Through this analysis, this paper aims to contribute to evaluating the coproduction experiments and to current discussions on how governments can foster innovation and navigate change processes to address complex and uncertain issues in sustainability transitions

The purpose of policy portfolios: design, intention, and logic

We propose a qualitative method of assessing a policy mix’s content, which can be utilized alongside currently common quantitative techniques such as counting the number of tools, policies, and levels of government involved. Focussing on whether or not the mix promotes flexibility or standardization and whether it is intended to be maintaining or innovating helps to better map existing policy mixes and inform design decisions than do more contentless quantitative methods. It has implications for theories of policy-making in improving on current depictions of the nature and dynamics of policy mixes, especially with respect to the impact of procedural tools, and also helps underscore the significance of what often appear in quantitative studies to be marginal or incremental shifts in instruments and goals. The utility of the model and its improvement on existing methods are illustrated through examination of two cases of banking regulation and pension policy in Canada

Low‑fidelity policy design, within‑design feedback, and the Universal Credit case

Policy design approaches currently pay insufficient attention to feedback that occurs during the design process. Addressing this endogenous policy design feedback gap is pressing as policymakers can adopt ‘low-fidelity’ design approaches featuring compressed and iterative feedback-rich design cycles. We argue that within-design feedback can be oriented to the components of policy designs (instruments and objectives) and serve to reinforce or undermine them during the design process. We develop four types of low-fidelity design contingent upon the quality of feedback available to designers and their ability to integrate it into policy design processes: confident iteration and stress testing, advocacy and hacking, tinkering and shots in the dark, or coping. We illustrate the utility of the approach and variation in the types, use, and impacts of within-design feedback and low-fidelity policy design through an examination of the UK’s Universal Credit policy

Public Policies: Design and Instruments (January 20 version) API6399-D00: Course Syllabus - University of Ottawa (Graduate)

Course Syllabus - University of Ottawa (Graduate) Public Policies: Design and Instruments (January 20 version) API6399-D0

It’s just a little high: Testing the effect of the legalization of marijuana on voters’ behaviour in Canada

A fundamental question about voting behaviour is whether voters lead parties and politicians by judging them on the ground of their issue stands, or whether they instead align their views to match those of the party and politicians they favour. The recent legalization of marijuana in Canada offers an opportunity to untangle this causal knot. This paper makes use of panel data collected during the 2011 and 2015 Canadian elections to test whether voters direct their support towards parties and politicians in line with their prior issue preferences or whether, on the opposite, voters bend their issue preferences to match their partisan affiliation. Results provide evidence for the independent effect of the legalization of marijuana on voters’ behaviour towards the Liberal Party. More generally, this makes for a striking case of the effect of an easy, positional issue and contributes to the longstanding debate on issue voting in Canadian politics

The Indo-Pacific Region, Immigration, International Students and Small Mid-Sized Cities in the BC Interior – Policy and Capacity Issues

AbstractThe Indo-Pacific region figures prominently in Canada’s immigration strategy, which has of late become a critical policy file to address a wide range of existing and potential financial, economic, and social, challenges, most notably retaining immigrants and international students to enhance future growth prospects in the face of an aging workforce. Despite a strong political consensus at all levels as to the need to annually increase immigration and international student levels overall, inadequate policies and financial commitments exist in many broader policy areas to address the implications of this aggressive “numbers game”. This assessment provides an analysis of the elevated significance of economic immigration and international education and the conflicted motives within these two policy areas (despite both being viewed as serving larger immigration goals), resulting in serious capacity and equity issues that jeopardize the overall numerical successes – potentially undermining what is our most valuable long-term exchange with the Indo-Pacific Region.RésuméLa région de l'Indopacifique tient une bonne place dans la stratégie d'immigration du Canada, qui est récemment devenue un dossier politique essentiel pour relever un large éventail de défis financiers, économiques et sociaux existants et potentiels, notamment la rétention des immigrants et des étudiants internationaux pour améliorer la croissance future. Face au vieillissement de la main-d'œuvre. Malgré un fort consensus politique à tous les niveaux quand à la nécessité d'augmenter chaque année le niveau global d'immigration et d'étudiants internationaux, des politiques et des engagements financiers inadéquats existent dans de nombreux domaines politiques qui sont trop  larges pour faire face aux implications de ce « jeu de chiffres » agressif. Cette évaluation fournit une analyse de l'importance élevée de l'immigration économique et de l'éducation internationale et des motivations conflictuelles dans ces deux domaines politiques (bien que les deux soient considérés comme servant des objectifs d'immigration plus larges), entraînant de graves problèmes de capacité et d'équité qui compromettent les succès numériques globaux - potentiellement nuire a ce qui est notre échange à long terme le plus précieux avec la région Indopacifique.Keywords: Small Cities; Canada; Immigration; International Students; Indo-Pacific, International Education  Mots-clés : Petites villes ; Canada; Immigration; Étudiants internationaux; Indo-Pacifique, Éducation international (Kading and Thomas

Fashion diplomacy: Canada’s shared role in supporting garment worker safety in Bangladesh

Abstract In this article, we investigate Canada’s shared role in supporting worker safety and responsible fashion and apparel in Bangladesh. Drawing on two case studies, the Rana Plaza factory collapse and the COVID-19 pandemic, we investigate the Government of Canada’s varied response to the impact of these crises on garment workers. To investigate this, and to advance our understanding of Canada’s own role in supporting garment worker safety and agency in responsible fashion and apparel production, we turn to the concept of ‘fashion diplomacy.’ We argue that if Canada hopes to play a leading role in supporting responsible fashion and apparel practices in an ever-changing landscape, it must develop inclusive policy solutions capable of addressing the diverse and at times divergent interests of state and non-state actors both at home and abroad. In doing so, we identify possible strategies for Canada in addressing the new and emerging Indo-Pacific strategic environment.RésuméDans cet article, nous examinons le rôle partagé du Canada dans le soutien de la sécurité des travailleurs et de la mode et des vêtements au Bangladesh. En nous appuyant sur deux études de cas, l'effondrement de l'usine Rana Plaza et la pandémie de COVID-19, nous examinons la réponse variée du gouvernement du Canada à l'impact de ces crises sur ces travailleurs. Pour enquêter cela et pour avancer notre compréhension du rôle du Canada dans le soutien de la sécurité des travailleurs des s et de l'agence dans la production responsable de mode et de vêtements, nous nous tournons vers le concept de « diplomatie de la mode ». Nous soutenons que si le Canada espère jouer un rôle de premier plan dans le soutien des pratiques responsables en matière de mode et des vêtements dans un paysage en constante évolution, il doit élaborer des solutions politiques inclusives qui sont capables de répondre aux intérêts divers et parfois divergents des acteurs étatiques et non étatiques, tant au niveau du pays or de l’état et à l'étranger. Ce faisant, nous identifions des stratégies possibles pour le Canada face au nouvel environnement stratégique émergent de l'Indopacifique.Keywords: Fashion diplomacy, sustainable fashion, labour rights, cultural diplomacy, Canada, BangladeshMots-clés : Diplomatie de la mode, mode durable, droits du travail, diplomatie culturelle, Canada, Banglades

Consensus confusion: The 2019 Northwest Territories election

AbstractThe 2019 Northwest Territories General Election, held on October 1, represented a decisive juncture in territorial politics, reaffirming recently developed trends and potentially introducing new ones. The election provided a window of opportunity for significant change in the face of territorial politics, with a handful of long-term cabinet ministers opting to retire following the 18th Assembly. The election reaffirmed the trend of declining incumbency first seen in the 2015 election, with several incumbents losing their re-election bids, often in landslide defeats. The 2019 election also saw a breakthrough in the representation of women in the Legislative Assembly.. Lastly, in 2019 the territory became the first province or territory in Canada to introduce online voting in general elections. RésuméL'Élection Générale Territoriale qui s'est tenue le 1er octobre 2019 dans les Territoires du Nord-Ouest a constitué un tournant décisif dans la politique territoriale en confirmant, d’une part, les tendances récemment enregistrées et, d’une autre part, en introduisant potentiellement de nouvelles donnes. Cette élection a changé d’une façon très significative le paysage de la politique territoriale puisqu’une poignée de ministres bien installés depuis fort longtemps avaient choisi de prendre leur retraite après la 18ème  Assemblée. En effet, cette élection a confirmé la tendance à la baisse du nombre de députés réélus pour un nouveau mandat que l’on a observée une première fois lors de l'élection de 2015 lorsque plusieurs députés sortants ont perdu leurs sièges, le plus souvent en se faisant battre à plate couture. L'élection de 2019 a également vu une percée dans la représentativité des femmes au sein de l'Assemblée législative. Pour terminer, il convient de souligner que le territoire est devenu en 2019 la première province ou territoire du Canada à introduire le vote en ligne aux élections générales

Disaster relief aid as soft diplomacy: Case of Canadian disaster diplomacy in Nepal 2015 earthquakes

Abstract This article explores Nepal Earthquakes 2015 as a case of Canadian disaster diplomacy, tracing the diplomatic ties between Canada and Nepal. We argue that the warming up of diplomatic relations between these countries in the 50th diplomatic year sprinted Canada's support following the 2015 Nepal earthquakes. The earthquakes increased Nepali Canadians' involvement in the relief efforts, reinforced their diasporic identities, and increased their visibility as a visible minority community within the broader Asian diaspora in Canada while surfacing the political divisiveness amongst them. Against this backdrop, we ask: what lessons can be learned for Canadian disaster diplomacy efforts in the South Asian region? Based on field evidence, we argue that non-state actors, western disaster aid, and local government efforts fail to supply disaster relief in socially optimal quantities. We urge Canadian disaster aid actors to critically reflect on their aid strategies for effective help, not merely rhetoric and band-aid solutions.RésuméCet article explore les tremblements de terre au Népal de 2015 comme un cas de diplomatie canadienne en cas de catastrophe, retraçant les relations diplomatiques entre le Canada et le Népal. Nous soutenons que le réchauffement des relations diplomatiques entre ces pays au cours de la 50e année diplomatique a fait bondir le soutien du Canada à la suite des tremblements de terre de 2015 au Népal. Les tremblements de terre ont accru la participation des Canadiens népalais aux efforts de secours, renforcé leur identité diasporique et accru leur visibilité en tant que communauté de minorité visible au sein de la diaspora asiatique au Canada tout en faisant ressortir les divisions politiques entre eux. Dans ce contexte, nous nous demandons : quelles leçons peut-on tirer des efforts canadiens de diplomatie en cas de catastrophe dans la région de l'Asie du Sud ? Sur la base de preuves sur le terrain, nous soutenons que les acteurs non étatiques, l'aide occidentale en cas de catastrophe, et les efforts des gouvernements locaux ne parviennent pas à fournir des secours en cas de catastrophe en quantités socialement optimales. Nous exhortons les agences canadiennes de l'aide aux sinistrés à réfléchir de manière critique à leurs stratégies d'aide pour être mieux capable d’offrir une aide efficace, et non seulement de la rhétorique et des solutions de fortune.Keywords: disaster diplomacy, Canada, Nepal, Nepal earthquake 2015Mots-clés : diplomatie en cas de catastrophe, Canada, Népal, séisme au Népal 201

Fifty Shades of Manipulation

A statement or action can be said to be manipulative if it does not sufficiently engage or appeal to people’s capacity for reflective and deliberative choice. One problem with manipulation, thus understood, is that it fails to respect people’s autonomy and is an affront to their dignity. Another problem is that if they are products of manipulation, people’s choices might fail to promote their own welfare, and might instead promote the welfare of the manipulator. To that extent, the central objection to manipulation is rooted in a version of Mill’s Harm Principle: People know what is in their best interests and should have a (manipulation-free) opportunity to make that decision. On welfarist grounds, the norm against manipulation can be seen as a kind of heuristic, one that generally works well, but that can also lead to serious errors, at least when the manipulator is both informed and genuinely interested in the welfare of the chooser. For the legal system, a pervasive puzzle is why manipulation is rarely policed. The simplest answer is that manipulation has so many shades, and in a social order that values free markets and is committed to freedom of expression, it is exceptionally difficult to regulate manipulation as such. But as the manipulator’s motives become more self-interested or venal, and as efforts to bypass people’s deliberative capacities becomes more successful, the ethical objections to manipulation become very forceful, and the argument for a legal response is fortified. The analysis of manipulation bears on emerging first amendment issues raised by compelled speech, especially in the context of graphic health warnings. Importantly, it can also help orient the regulation of financial products, where manipulation of consumer choices is an evident but rarely explicit concern