From Tinkering to Transformation: Gradual Institutional Change in New Brunswick’s Local Governance System

This article situates the history of local governance reform in New Brunswick in the debate between two theoretical traditions in historical institutionalism: critical juncture analysis and gradual institutional change. While New Brunswick appears to be a case of punctuated equilibrium followed by a half century of stagnation, the local governance system is a case of gradual institutional change dominated by layering. Drawing on Mahoney and Thelen’s theory of gradual institutional change and Tsebelis’ theory of veto players, this paper identifies the relevant change agents and tracks their influence through four prominent reform episodes since the 1970s.Cet article situe l'histoire de la réforme de la gouvernance locale au Nouveau-Brunswick dans le débat entre deux traditions théoriques de l'institutionnalisme historique : l'analyse de la conjoncture critique et le changement institutionnel graduel. Alors que le Nouveau-Brunswick semble être un cas d'équilibre ponctué suivi d'un demi-siècle de stagnation, le système de gouvernance locale est un cas de changement institutionnel graduel dominé par la stratification. En s'appuyant sur la théorie du changement institutionnel graduel de Mahoney et Thelen et sur la théorie des joueurs à veto de Tsebelis, cet article identifie les agents de changement pertinents et suit leur influence à travers quatre épisodes de réforme importants depuis les années 1970

From ‘if only’ to ‘what if’: An ethnographic study into design thinking and organizational change

We aim to understand how public sector organizations practise ‘design thinking’ to respond to changing demands and develop alternative courses of action. The literature on design thinking is largely prescriptive; few studies analyse how change is actually brought about through situated design practices. Design scholars have therefore argued that such practices themselves should take centre stage as objects of analysis. We take an ethnographic approach to studying the design thinking journey of the Dutch Health Inspectorate, using participatory observations and interviews to collect our data. Drawing on the anthropological concept of ritualization, we identify two important mechanisms through which design thinking helped the Inspectorate disrupt existing organizational strategies and engage with stakeholders in a fundamentally new way

Implementing Design Thinking: understanding organizational conditions

The advent of design thinking as a tool for innovation has led to its adoption in a range of organizations. While proponents of design thinking continue to focus on the principles and practices of their method, little is known on the organizational conditions required for design thinking to attain a long-term impact. This article explores seven empirical case studies to identify the conditions required in organizations seeking to integrate design. It identifies four conditions—strategic vision, facilities, cultural capital, and directives—and examines their relationships

Introduction: 2023 Anthropology Capstone Reader

Provides an editorial introduction to the 2023 UNBC Anthropology Capstone Reader

Canada and the Indo-Pacific Strategic Environment

AbstractThis article introduces the ‘Indo-Pacific’ nomenclature as a strategic political construct that is altering the socio-economic and geopolitical landscape. Home to both India and China, the term is being adopted by governments who see the region as holding both unparalleled economic opportunities along with deeply concerning security challenges. Yet the ascent of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ term is controversial and not all actors have bought into its promise.  While the moniker has been favoured by both India and the United States, it has also been met with suspicion most notably from China.  Indeed, many analysts consider the paradigm fundamentally designed by the West to counterbalance China’s increasing influence in the region.  Despite the controversy, the Indo-Pacific is an important term that more accurately captures and articulates the importance of a vast region that is strategically important for Canada. Résumé Cet article présente une construction politique qui modifie un paysage socio-économique et géopolitique: le terme « Indo-Pacifique ». Abritant à la fois l'Inde et la Chine, le terme est adopté par de nombreuses gouvernements qui considèrent que la région offre à la fois des opportunités économiques sans précédent et des défis de sécurité profondément préoccupants. Pourtant, l'ascension du terme « Indo-Pacifique » est controversée et tous les acteurs n'ont pas adhéré à sa promesse. Bien que le surnom est favorisé à la fois par l'Inde et les États-Unis, il a également suscité des soupçons, notamment de la part de la Chine. En effet, de nombreux analystes considèrent le paradigme conçu par l'Occident pour contrebalancer l'influence croissante de la Chine. Malgré la controverse, « l’Indo-Pacifique » est un terme important qui capture et articule avec plus de précision l'importance d'une vaste région d’importance stratégique pour le Canada.Key words: Indo-Pacific; Canada; Asia; ChinaMots-clés : Indo-Pacifique; Canada; Asie; Chin

Third-Party Rivalry and the Green Vote in the 2019 Federal Election

AbstractThe Green Party of Canada (GPC) did not elect new candidates in BC in the 2019 federal election even though climate change was an important issue to voters.   This paper uses survey results from the 2019 Canadian Election Study, including a module designed by the author and interviews with GPC candidates. GPC’s third-party rival, the New Democratic Party (NDP), gave a false impression that GPC members were as socially and fiscally conservative as some members of the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC). The author’s module shows women are more fearful than men that women’s right to have an abortion could be challenged if party discipline were relaxed. Though it would be highly unlikely for a GPC candidate or MP to hold an anti-abortion position, the NDP planted seeds of doubt in the minds of young female voters who tended to be the ones more likely to consider voting Green.RésuméLe Parti vert du Canada (PVC) n’a pas élu de nouveaux candidats en Colombie Britannique à l’élection fédérale de 2019, même si le changement climatique était un enjeu majeur pour les électeurs. Ce document utilise les résultats du sondage de l’Étude électorale canadienne de 2019, incluant un module créé par l’autrice et des entrevues avec les candidats du PVC. Le Nouveau Parti démocratique (NPD), qui rivalise le PVC pour devenir le plus important des tiers  partis à la Chambre des communes, a donné la fausse impression que les membres du PVC étaient aussi conservateurs, sur les plans sociaux et financiers, que certains membres du Parti Conservateur du Canada (PCC). Le module de l’autrice démontre que les femmes craignent plus que les hommes que le droit des femmes à l'avortement puisse être remis en cause si la discipline du parti était assouplie. Bien qu’il soit très peu probable qu’un candidat ou un député du PVC présente une position contre l'avortement, le NPD a semé des graines de doute dans l’esprit des jeunes électrices qui ont tendance à être celles qui sont le plus susceptibles à voter pour le Parti vert.Key Word: 2019 federal election,  Green Party of Canada (GPC),  Green Party of Canada election campaign in British Columbia (BC),  Maurice Pinard’s theory on political openings for third partiesMots-clés : élections fédérales Canadiennes de 2019, la théorie de Maurice Pinard concernant la percée des tiers partis, campagne électorale du Parti verte de Canada (PVC) en Colombie-Britannique (CB

Canada’s Accession to ASEAN’s Treaty of Amity: Cooperation and Diplomatic Presence in Southeast Asia

Abstract This article examines Canada’s accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). As one of only a select group of 10 countries from outside of Southeast Asia that is a Dialogue Partner with ASEAN, Canada has gained important diplomatic and market presence in the Indo-Pacific. Furthermore, Canada’s national interests are advanced through the accession to TAC by supporting a rules-based system of regional order. The foundations of ASEAN—based on sovereignty, consensus, and the process of informality—make the “ASEAN Way” frustrating to proponents of an “independent” and “activist” foreign policy for Canada, especially as human rights abuses have unfolded in the region and the state of democracy remains a mixed record. However, Canada’s only method for securing economic interests, and just as critically, to promote a rules-based international order for the Indo-Pacific that is not dominated by China, is to participate with ASEAN as a TAC signatory.RésuméCet article examine l'adhésion du Canada au Traité d'amitié et de coopération (TAC) avec l'Association des nations de l'Asie du Sud-est (ANASE). En tant que l'un des seuls groupes restreints parmi dix pays de l'extérieur de l'Asie du Sud-est à être un partenaire de dialogue avec l'ASEAN, le Canada a acquis une présence diplomatique et commerciale importante dans l'Indopacifique. De plus, les intérêts nationaux du Canada sont favorisés par l'adhésion à l'ATC en soutenant un système d'ordre régional fondé sur des règles. Les fondements de l’ANASE, la souveraineté, le consensus et le processus de l'informalité, rendent la « voie de l'ANASE » frustrante pour les partisans d'une politique étrangère « indépendante » et « activiste » pour le Canada, d'autant plus que des violations des droits de la personne se sont produites dans la région. Et l'état de la démocratie reste un bilan mitigé. Cependant, la seule méthode du Canada pour sécuriser les intérêts économiques, et tout aussi critique, pour promouvoir un ordre international fondé sur des règles pour l'Indopacifique qui n'est pas dominé par la Chine, est de participer avec l'ASEAN en tant que signataire du TAC.Keywords: Canadian Foreign Policy; ASEAN; Southeast AsiaMots-clés : Politique étrangère canadienne ; ASEAN ; Asie du sud es

Can advocacy coalitions be difference-making in Canadian policy processes? Evidence from Canadian firearms policy

This paper investigates whether advocacy coalitions can have much policy influence in Canadian policy processes, where decision-making power tends to be highly centralized in the executive. The question is investigated through a diachronic case study of firearms policy-making that compares policy processes in 1976-77 and 1994-95 using a most-similar logic. Content analysis and social network analysis show that the 1976-77 process involved only a gun rights advocacy coalition, while the 1994-95 process involved both gun rights and gun control advocacy coalitions. Comparative analysis further shows that these advocacy coalitions had difference-making influence in these policy processes, contributing to the adoption of relatively minor gun control reforms in 1977 and major reforms in 1995

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Evaluating Policy Instrument Complexity with Causal Loop Diagrams

Methods to capture the complexity of using policy instruments would allow us to better evaluate the reasons for their effectiveness. Drawing from complexity science, we produce a Causal Loop Diagram to analyse the implementation of two informational policy instruments in a tourism destination: the Global Sustainable Tourism Council criteria and the European Tourism Indicator Scheme. To interpret the emerging system structure, we use complexity theory concepts of emergence; interdependence and interconnectivity; co-evolution; self-organisation; feedback; historicity and path dependence. This qualitative methodology sheds light on the interplay of factors that facilitate and impede the continuous use of these policy instruments. It shows how adopting a complexity science approach to evaluation studies can be invaluable to making tourism policy interventions more impactful