The Geography of the European Creative Class A Rank-Size Analysis

Using novel statistical data, the paper analyzes the geographical distribution of Richard Florida’s creative class among 445 European cities. The paper demonstrates that size matters, i.e. cities with a high proportion of creative class tend to get more creative through attraction of still more creative labor. More specifically, the distribution of the European creative class falls into three phases, each approximating a rank-size rule, with different exponents (i.e., inequality). The exponent for the smallest cities is profoundly more negative than for the middle-sized cities, and this tendency is stronger for the creative class than for the general population. Furthermore, the exponent of the largest cities is slightly less negative than the middle-sized cities, and this tendency is also stronger for the creative class. In order to explain this, the paper presents four propositions about how effects of large and small population sizes of cities may be more detrimental to attracting the creative class than attracting the population in general. Below a population size of approximately 70,000 inhabitants, there is a rapid drop of attractiveness to the creative class with decreasing city size. We propose that this may be because below this size, cities begin to drop below minimum efficient market sizes for particular creative services, below minimum labor market sizes for particular creative job types, and below minimum levels of political representation by the creative class. Above a European city population size of approximately 1,2 million inhabitants, the attractiveness of increasing city size for the creative class drops, and we propose that the creative class may respond particularly adversely to urban congestion.

The Wrong Stuff? Creative Class Theory and Economic Performance in UK Cities

Richard Florida’s ‘creative class’ theory suggests that diverse, tolerant, ‘cool’ cities will outperform others. Ethnic minorities, gay people and counter-culturalists attract high-skilled professionals: the presence of this ‘creative class’ ensures cities get the best jobs and most dynamic companies. This paper examines Florida’s ideas, focusing on the evidence in British cities. Drawing on previously published work, it first tests the Florida model on a set of British cities, finding weak support for the creative class hypothesis. It then examines this hypothesis in detail. It finds little evidence of a creative class, and little evidence that ‘creative’ cities do better. The paper concludes that the creative class model is a poor predictor of UK city performance. There is other, stronger evidence that diversity and creativity are linked to urban economic growth.cities, economic development, urban economics, creative class, diversity, culture, creativity

CREATIVE ECONOMY AND CREATIVE CITIES

The paper sets out why creativity has become so important to urban and regional economics. It focuses on the role of creativity, creative industries, creative economy, creative class and creative cities for the modern urban economics. It points out the idea that the power of the future economy lays within the development of the creative city. The aim of a creative city is to make us to think of our city as a living work of art, where citizens can involve and engage themselves in the creation of a transformed place. Every city can be more creative that it currently is and the task for the city wanting to be creative is to identify, nurture, harness, promote, attract, and sustain talent and to mobilize ideas, resources and organizations.creative economy, creative cities, urban economics, creative class, sustainable development.

The geography of French creative class: An exploratory spatial data analysis

This paper analyses the creative class geography in France, in 2006. This geography is seen here through the lens of Explanatory Spatial Data Analysis (ESDA). This method brings originality to the question of creative people geography in addition to the spatial context, France, where this question hasn’t been deepened yet. Methodology allows measurement of spatial agglomeration degree and identification of creative people location patterns. First, by computing locational Gini index and Moran’s I statistic of global spatial autocorrelation. These measures provide an overview of the spatial distribution of creative people among French districts and the existence of some hotspot regions with strong dynamic of creative people accumulation. Second, Exploratory Spatial Data Analysis (ESDA) tools, such as Moran scatterplot and LISA statistics, allow to identify district clusters of creative people. It leads to evidence that creative people are unevenly geographically distributed across French districts. District clusters of creative occupations result from spreading of French largest cities influence.Creative class, ESDA, location patterns, spatial autocorrelation, French districts

De-westernizing creative labour studies: The informality of creative work from an ex-centric perspective

Creative labour studies focus almost exclusively on Euro-American metropolitan ‘creative hubs’ and hence the creative worker they theorize is typically white, middle-class, urban and overwhelmingly male. This article outlines the contours of a de-Westernizing project in creative labour studies while introducing a special journal issue that examines the lived dynamics of creative work outside the West. The article advocates an ‘ex-centric perspective’ on creative work. An ex-centric perspective does not merely aim at multiplying non-West empirical case studies. Rather, it aims at destabilizing, decentring and provincializing the taken-for-grantedness of some entrenched notions in creative labour studies such as informality and precarity. An ex-centric perspective, we contend, offers a potential challenge to many of the claims about creative work that have taken on the status of general truths and universal principles in spite of them being generated from limited empirical evidence gleaned from research sites situated almost exclusively in the creative hubs of Euro-America

Why Can't I Cry

This paper won a honorable mention writing flag award in the creative/reflective category. Che, writing for Kathleen Stewart’s ANT 325L class, “Ethnography of Emotion”.Stewart, KathleenUndergraduate Studie

Why do creative industries cluster? An analysis of the determinants of clustering of creative industries

Creative industries tend to concentrate mainly around large- and medium-sized cities, forming creative local production systems. The text analyses the forces behind clustering of creative industries to provide the first empirical explanation of the determinants of creative employment clustering following a multidisciplinary approach based on cultural and creative economics, evolutionary geography and urban economics. A comparative analysis has been performed for Italy and Spain. The results show different patterns of creative employment clustering in both countries. The small role of historical and cultural endowments, the size of the place, the average size of creative industries, the productive diversity and the concentration of human capital and creative class have been found as common factors of clustering in both countries.creative industries, creative local production systems, creative clusters, agglomeration economies

The geography of creative people in Germany

It has been argued that creativity is an important source of regional growth. This paper investigates the geography of people in creative occupation in Germany. The population share of the Creative Class as well as of bohemians and artists is relatively high in larger cities, but smaller places and rural regions may also have a considerable proportion of people with a creative job. While ethnical and cultural diversity and a high level of public supply in health care and education can explain the distribution of creative people, employment opportunities seem to play only a minor role. A high share of creative occupations seems to be conducive to regional growth; however, the exact nature of this relationship is still unclear

In-class common-reporting workshops in computer science

Instructors optimize the use of class time for quantity and depth of learning. Technology has opened new opportunities in these respects. The technique reported on here, In-class Common-reporting Workshops (INCREWs) consist of teams of up to three students tackling a creative class-relevant problem and displaying their evolving results on a common, projected spreadsheet format in real time. We report on surveys, which have shown a positive reception for INCREWs.Accepted manuscrip

Dark Greens

This paper won a third place writing flag award in the creative/reflective category. It was written for Matthew Valentine's TC 358 class, "Writing Narratives".Valentine, MatthewUndergraduate Studie