Postponing Retirement: the Political Push of Aging

Conventional economic wisdom suggests because of the aging process, social security systems will have to be retrenched. In particular, retirement age will have to be largely increased. Yet, is this policy measure feasible in OECD countries? Since the answer belongs mainly to the realm of politics, I evaluate the political feasibility of postponing retirement under aging in France, Italy, the UK, and the US. Simulations for the year 2050 steady state demographic, economic and political scenario suggest that retirement age will be postponed in all countries, while the social security contribution rate will rise in all countries, but Italy. The political support for increasing the retirement age stems mainly from the negative income effect induced by aging, which reduces the profitability of the existing social security system, and thus the individuals net social security wealth.

The Social Security Reform Process in Italy: Where do We Stand?

A reform process is under way in Italy. Achieving financial sustainability of the social security system has been the first objective characterizing the reforms of 1990s, but these have also introduced rules which aim at a more actuarially fair system. Indeed the social security system prevailing in Italy, financed on a PAYG basis, was, at the end of the 1980s, clearly unsustainable and also extremely unfair to some group of workers, enacting a form of perverse redistribution which is typical of “final salary” defined benefit systems. It was also a system characterized by strong incentives to retire early. In this paper we briefly describe the different regimes of the Italian pension system in its recent history and focus on some aspects of the reform process taking place during the 1990s. Since economists and policy makers are still struggling to assess the results and the long-term effects of these reforms we provide both a survey of this debate and some fresh evidence on the evaluation of the policy changes. We carry out this analysis with a particular emphasis on two aspects which are relevant in the debate. On the one hand we stress the role of economic incentives and the overall fiscal implications of changing the systems as well as these incentives. On the other hand we emphasize the intergenerational considerations and the political implications of the ageing process of the Italian population. From our description it emerges that the overall design of the Italian reform is probably a good one, and yet some more steps need to be taken to speed up some of the positive effects of the reform process that, due the adverse demographic trends affecting PAYG systems as well as the political arena, could easily evaporate.

Political Intergenerational Risk Sharing

TIn a stochastic two-period OLG model, featuring an aggregate shock to the economy, ex-ante optimality requires intergenerational risk sharing. We compare the level of time-consistent intergenerational risk sharing chosen by a benevolent government and by an office-seeking politician. In our political system, the transfer of resources across generations is determined as a Markov equilibrium of a probabilistic voting game. Low realized returns on the risky asset induce politicians to compensate the old through a PAYG system. This political system typically generates an intergenerational risk sharing scheme that is (i) larger, (ii) more persistent, and (iii) less responsive to the realization of the shock than the (time consistent) social optimum. This is because the current politician anticipates her transfers to the elderly to be compensated by future politicians through offsetting transfers, and hence overspends. Aging increases the optimal transfer, but surprisingly makes office-seeking politicians more conservative, by increasing the cost for future politicians to compensate the current young.Pension Systems, Markov equilibria, social optimum

Fiscal constitutions and the determinacy of intergenerational transfers.

We study the impact offiscal constitutions on intergenerational transfers by analyzing how political veto power influences social security. Transfers in this paper are outcomes of an infinite-horizon social security game among selfish agents whose lifecycles we embed in an overlapping generation model with a linear technology. Policies are decided one period at a time and may change later at zero cost. Simple majoritarian systems, which accord the current median voter maximum fiscal discretion alld minimal influence over future policy, are known to sustain as subgame perfect equilibria all individually rational allocations. Among these are a continuum of stationary sequences (including dynamically inefficient ones) as well as a double continuum of non-stationary sequences (including cyclical or chaotic ones). We investigate how equilibrium is pinned down by constitutional "rules" that give minorities veto power over fiscal policy changes proposed by the majority. Veto power turns out to be equivalent to precommitment. Among subgame perfect equilibria, it eliminates fluctuating and dynamically inefficient transfers, reducing the equilibrium set to weakly increasing transfer sequences that converge to the golden rule. Veto power combined with Markov perfect equilibrium results in a unique, dynamic efficient allocation - the golden rule.Intergenerational transfers; Veto power; Constitutional rules;

When the State Mirrors the Family: The Design of Pension Systems

This paper studies the transmission mechanism from family culture to economic institutions, by analyzing the impact of the within family organization on the original design of the public pension systems. We build a simple OLG model with families featuring either weak or strong internal ties. When pensions systems are initially introduced, in society with strong ties they replicate the tight link between generations by providing earnings related benefits; whereas in societies with weak family ties they only act as a safety net. To test this transition mechanism, we consider Todd (1982) historical classification of family types across countries. We find that in societies dominated by absolute nuclear families (i.e., weak family ties), pension systems act as a flat safety net entailing a large within-cohort redistribution, and viceversa in societies characterized by stronger family ties where pension systems are more generous. This link between the type of families and the design of pension systems is robust to testing for alternative explanations, such as legal origin, religion, urbanization and democratization of the country at the time of their introduction. Interestingly, historical family types matter for explaining the design of the pension systems, which represents a persistent feature, but not their size, which have largely changed over time.culture, institutions, historical evidence

Competing on Good Politicians

Is electoral competition good for political selection? To address this issue, we introduce a theoretical model in which ideological parties select candidates between party loyalists and experts, and allocate them into the electoral districts. Non-ideological voters, who care about national and local policies, strongly prefer experts. We show that parties compete on good politicians by allocating them to the most contestable districts. Empirical evidence on Italian members of parliament confirms this prediction. We find that politicians with higher ex-ante quality − as measured by years of schooling, previous market income, and local government experience − are more likely to run in a contestable district. Indeed, despite being different on average, the characteristics of politicians belonging to opposite parties converge to high-quality levels in close races. Furthermore, politicians elected in contestable districts make fewer absences in parliament; this is shown to be driven more by a selection effect than by reelection incentives.political competition, political selection, probabilistic voting

Discretion, rules and volatility

Business cycles

Is Social Security Secure with NDC?

The introduction of NDC public pension scheme in few European countries, such as Latvia, Sweden, Italy, and Poland, in the nineties was motivated, among other things, by the need (i) to ensure the long term financial sustainability of the public pension system by linking pension returns to economic growth; (ii) to reduce the existing distortions in the labor market, due to the existing strong incentives to retire early, (iii) to increase the intergenerational equity of the system, jeopardized by the different returns across generations; and (iv) to reduce the systematic political interference with public pension systems under aging through the introduction of a sequence of automatic adjustments in the system that do not require government intervention. After more than ten years from their introduction, these systems have performed reasonably well on these accounts. However, some degree of political involvement with the working of the pension systems has continued (f.e., in Italy), and new concerns have emerged. In particular, the combination of a pension system, which strongly bases the benefit calculation on previous contributions (and on thus labor market status), and the existence in some countries of a dual labor market, with young workers being held on the margin of the regular labor market for many years, create a new, potentially strong challenge to these systems. Our simulations of the future pension benefits for the current generation of young workers with a discontinuous working history in Italy and Sweden suggest that the replacement rates will be low, unless the retirement age is significantly increased. This effect may end up jeopardizing the political sustainability of these NDC systems in the future, unless important labor market reforms are introduced. We discuss the effects on the future generation of retirees in Italy and Sweden of a current labor market reform: the introduction of a unique labor market contract, aimed at reducing the dualism between temporary and permanent workers.notional defined contribution, pay as you go, labor market dualism and pensions

The cost of political uncertainty: evidence from Catalonia

Nationalist demands for more autonomy or independence create uncertainty. Negotiated agreements over shared legal, administrative and fiscal responsibilities between central and regional authorities are associated with political uncertainty. Unilateral moves towards full independence create deep political uncertainty. We use two empirical methodologies to evaluate the costs of the uncertainty associated with the Catalan-Spanish negotiation for the Catalan Statute and with the demand for independence. 2017 Catalan survey data suggest that entrepreneurs, concerned about the business environment, favored the status quo over independence. Using an event approach methodology, we estimate that the immediate stock market reaction to the approval of the Catalan Statute was negative for (Catalan) firms in the tradable sector. The large political uncertainty due to the 2017 referendum had an even stronger negative stock market effect on all Catalan firms. Our findings are suggestive of costly political uncertainty from quests for more autonomy or independence

What Explains Fertility? Evidence from Italian Pension Reforms

Why do people have kids in developed societies? We propose an empirical test of two alternative theories — children as “consumption” vs. “investment” good. We use as a natural experiment the Italian pension reforms of the 90s that introduced a clear discontinuity in the treatment across workers. This policy experiment is particularly well suited, since the “consumption” motive predicts lower future pensions to reduce fertility, while the “old-age security” to increase it. Our empirical analysis identifies a clear and robust positive effect of less generous future pensions on post-reform fertility. These findings are consistent with “old-age security” even for contemporary fertility.old-age security, public pension systems, fertility, altruism