133 research outputs found

    How IRBs View and Make Decisions about Social Risks

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    Whether and how irbs assess social risks remains unclear, with little empirical investigation. I contacted leaders of 60 IRBs, and interviewed IRB leaders from 34 (response rate = 55%) and additionally, 12 members and administrators. IRBs struggle to assess and balance social risks and benefits, and vary in whether, how, and how much to do so, and how to balance these against individual risks/benefits. Risks to a group affect individuals within it. Hence, social risks can include indirect individual risks, raising ambiguities. Dilemmas emerge: E.g., how much responsibility researchers and IRBs have for addressing broader health inequities. These data, the first to examine how IRBs make decisions about social risks, reveal how IRBs face critical challenges, dilemmas, and ambiguities

    From anonymity to “open doors”: IRB responses to tensions with researchers

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    Background: Tensions between IRBs and researchers in the US and elsewhere have increased, and may affect whether, how, and to what degree researchers comply with ethical guidelines. Yet whether, how, when, and why IRBs respond to these conflicts have received little systematic attention. Findings: I contacted 60 US IRBs (every fourth one in the list of the top 240 institutions by NIH funding), and interviewed leaders from 34 (response rate = 55%) and an additional 12 members and administrators. IRBs often try to respond to tensions with researchers and improve relationships in several ways, but range widely in how, when, and to what degree (e.g., in formal and informal structure, content, and tone of interactions). IRBs varied from open and accessible to more distant and anonymous, and in the amount and type of “PR work” and outreach they do. Many boards seek to improve the quantity, quality, and helpfulness of communication with PIs, but differ in how. IRBs range in meetings from open to closed, and may have clinics and newsletters. Memos can vary in helpfulness and tone (e.g., using “charm”). IRBs range considerably, too, in the degrees to which they seek to educate PIs, showing them the underlying ethical principles. But these efforts take time and resources, and IRBs thus vary in degrees of responses to PI complaints. Conclusions: This study, the first to explore the mechanisms through which IRBs respond to tensions and interactions with PIs, suggests that these committees seek to respond to conflicts with PIs in varying ways – both formal and informal, involving both the form and content of communications. This study has important implications for future practice, research, and policy, suggesting needs for increased attention to not only what IRBs communicate to PIs, but how (i.e., the tone and the nature of interactions). IRBs can potentially improve relationships with PIs in several ways: using more “open doors” rather than anonymity, engaging in outreach (e.g., through clinics), enhancing the tone as well as content of interactions, educating PIs about the underlying ethics, and helping PIs as much and proactively as possible. Increased awareness of these issues can help IRBs and researchers in the US and elsewhere

    Impediments to communication and relationships between infertility care providers and patients

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    Background Infertility patients generally see provider-patient communication and relationships as important, but as often insufficient, raising critical questions regarding why these gaps persist, and how they might best be addressed. Methods Semi-structured interviews of approximately one hour each were conducted with 37 ART providers and patients (17 physicians, 10 other health providers, and 10 patients) and were thematically analyzed. Results Patients see clinicians’ interactions as ranging widely from good to bad, related to several specific barriers and factors. Patients and providers may differ in their physical and emotional experiences, expectations concerning treatment outcomes and uncertainties, and time frames and finances, generating dynamic processes and tensions. Characteristics of particular providers, clinics and patients can also vary. Infertility patients tend to find only one outcome acceptable – a “take home baby” – rather than partial success, as is the case with many other diseases. Yet most IVF cycles fail. Many patients must pay considerable out-of-pocket expenses for infertility treatment, exacerbating disappointments and frustrations. Providers often work in competitive, entrepreneurial markets, and “hype” their potential success. After treatment failures, providers may feel guilty and withdraw from patients. Yet these behaviors can antagonize patients more than physicians realize, aggravating patient stresses. Several providers described how they understood patients’ needs and perceptions more fully only after becoming infertility patients themselves. Interactions with not only physicians, but other providers (e.g., nurses and staff) can play key roles. Patients may be willing to understand these impediments, but providers often communicate these obstacles and reasons poorly or not at all, furthering tensions. Conclusions These data, the first to examine several critical aspects of challenges that infertility providers and patients face in communication and relationships, suggest that several key dynamic processes and factors may be involved, and need to be addressed. While prior research has shown that infertility patients value, but often feel disappointed in relationships with clinicians, the present data highlight several specific impediments, and thus have critical implications for future practice, research, guidelines and education

    Consenting for Molecular Diagnostics

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    The growing use of molecular diagnostics poses a wide range of issues and questions concerning informed consent that researchers, health care providers, and others will increasingly need to address. Molecular diagnostics are advancing more rapidly than our ability to decide how best to respond to their complex medical, ethical, legal, psychological, and social implications. Although some of these issues resemble those posed by prior tests, the newness and ever-faster spread of these tests, the advent of large-scale electronic databases, and the many inherent uncertainties involved present new challenges and dilemmas that require careful attention to determine how best to proceed. Obtaining appropriate informed consent will require considerable resources, which many researchers and providers may not fully appreciate. For example, for whole genome sequencing (WGS)2 and whole exome sequencing (WES), most researchers have indicated that they were willing to spend 30 minutes or less on obtaining informed consent (1). Yet the complexity of the information involved will probably often require significantly longer interactions

    How much is a child worth? Providers’ and patients’ views and responses concerning ethical and policy challenges in paying for ART

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    Infertility treatments remain expensive and in many countries are covered by little, if any, insurance, raising critical questions concerning how patients and providers view and make decisions regarding these challenges. In-depth semi-structured interviews of approximately 1 hour were conducted with 37 IVF providers and 10 patients (17 physicians, 10 other providers and 10 patients), and were systematically analyzed. These data suggest current insurance policies and legislation pose critical ethical and logistical challenges for both patients and providers. These individuals face multiple uncertainties about costs and insurance, related to unclear causes of fertility, treatment length, costs and outcomes, and odds that insurers will cover expenses. Insurers frequently decline to agree to reimbursement beforehand, and decide only afterwards, case-by-case, generating stress. Patients and providers thus may not be able to predict how best to allocate limited resources. Providers may advocate for patients, but are usually unsuccessful. Patients may adopt several strategies: e.g., moving/seeking treatment elsewhere, switching or feeling “stuck” in jobs because of insurance, seeking “free” medications, going into debt, or using funds intended for other purposes. Patients do not perceive and respond to resource limitations as fixed phenomena—i.e., patients do not see treatment simply as “affordable” or not. Rather, patients face quandaries of how much to keep spending—how much a child is worth—and are forced to make complex risk/benefit calculations. Couples can disagree, straining relationships. In sum, these data, the first to explore how providers and patients struggle, view, and make decisions regarding limited insurance and resources for infertility, raise several critical ethical and policy issues. These data suggest that individuals have difficulty translating profoundly life-altering, deeply personal quests for meaning and fulfillment into purely economic terms. These findings thus have important implications for future policy, practice, research, and patient and provider education
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