Is There an Islamist Alternative in Egypt?

It is a common place in the literature that the Muslim Brotherhood (jama’a al-ikhwan al-muslimin) is - after its re-emergence on the political scene back in the seventies - the main (if not the only) real, organised and mass-based opposition force in Egypt. Events in Egypt in January 2011 have recast attention on this question. This paper aims to evaluate, inasmuch as it is possible, the state of health of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) today, after forty years of co-existence with the Egyptian (neo)-authoritarian regime. Has the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood represented a real alternative to the incumbent regime? Or it is more correct to speak today in terms of an almost ‘functional’ opposition, tamed by recurring political repression and limited freedom of action? To what extent has the Muslim Brotherhood been able to shape or at least to influence the Egyptian political and social agenda, both with respect to the regime and to other opposition forces

Youth in the South East Mediterranean Region and the Need for a Political Economy Approach

The paper is the authors’ own elaboration of the POWER2YOUTH research results and research experience. The authors argue for the importance of placing both the problems of youth in the South East Mediterranean, as well as the construction of the youth category itself and the narratives associated with it, within the broader political economy processes of the region. The first part of the paper concentrates on the political economy behind ‘youth problems’, whereas the second part critically analyses ‘youth’ in relation to social change and mobilization

Domestic Politics and Conflict in the Cases of Israel, Palestine and Lebanon

When analysing conflicts from either academic or policy perspectives, conflict parties are often treated as monolithic 'black boxes'. Analysis tends to be centred on relations between principal parties and third party actors both in phases of conflict and of peace. In turn, attention is often focussed on the day to day evolution of relations between conflict parties, at the expense of the underlying long-term drivers of conflict and peace, which often lie within conflict parties themselves. This is particularly true in the Middle East, where the succession of crises in the region often leaves analysts and policy-makers little time to reflect upon the structural root drivers of conflict. Stemming from this premise, this report draws out some of the main structural, interestbased and ideational domestic drivers within three conflict parties in the Middle East: Israel, Palestine and Lebanon. On the basis of this analysis, this report examines the extent and manner in which these domestic drivers have impinged upon the ensuing inter-connected conflict hubs in the region; namely the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, between Israel and Lebanon and Syria, and between Syria and Lebanon. This report also discusses how external parties and most importantly EU actors have affected these conflicts by operating – deliberately or not – on their respective domestic drivers. In turn, we conclude by drawing out alternative policy approaches that could aid the EU pursue its oft-quoted objective to contribute and promote peace in the region

Il conflitto israelo-palestinese 1993-2010. Vincitori e vinti senza pace.

Questo volume nasce dall’esigenza di offrire agli studenti universitari e al più vasto pubblico italiano un’analisi approfondita dello stato attuale del conflitto israelo-palestinese, mantenendo tuttavia uno sguardo alle sue dinamiche storiche. Dopo un capitolo introduttivo sulle politiche di occupazione israeliane e sul quadro politico e diplomatico che ha accompagnato il conflitto dalla fine della guerra fredda, il volume è diviso in tre parti: (1) la prima analizza il ruolo degli attori internazionali (USA e Unione Europea) nel conflitto; (2) la seconda è dedicata all’evoluzione della politica interna israeliana; (3) e, infine, la terza, esamina l’evoluzione della politica interna palestinese fino ad arrivare allo scontro attuale fra Hamas e Fatah. Gli autori dei capitoli sono esperti di provenienza accademica che lavorano da anni sul conflitto nei loro rispettivi ambiti scientifici e che, insieme, cercano di dare risposte chiare a domande apparentemente semplici quali: “Perché il processo di pace di Oslo è fallito? Perché, nonostante il fallimento di Oslo e le guerre ricorrenti, si continua a parlare di un ‘processo di pace’ israelo-palestinese, scandito da inconcludenti rituali diplomatici? Perché Israele continua a costruire insediamenti nei Territori occupati palestinesi? Perché la classe politica palestinese si è spaccata al punto da determinare una situazione di quasi guerra civile?”. Contributi di Marco Allegra, Benoit Challand, Paolo di Motoli, Maria Grazia Enardu, Laura Guazzone, Daniela Pioppi, Nathalie Tocci

Youth in the South Est Mediterranean Region and the Need for a Political Economy Approach

The paper is the authors’ own elaboration of the Power2Youth research results and research experience. The authors argue for the importance of placing both the problems of youth in the South East Mediterranean, as well as the construction of the youth category itself and the narratives associated with it, within the broader political economy processes of the region. The first part of the paper concentrates on the political economy behind “youth problems”, whereas the second part critically analyses “youth” in relation to social change and mobilization

Youth in Tunisia: Trapped Between Public Control and the Neo-Liberal Economy

“Youth” has been a category of public action in Tunisia ever since the country achieved its independence, although the discourse, values and policies associated with it have changed following the different phases of the country’s political economy. The paper provides an analysis of relevant youth policies in four interrelated domains of public action, with a focus on the period since the 90s: family, employment, migration and spatial planning policies