The Kurdish demand of federalism : liberation of Kurdistan through federalism in Iraq?

The theme of the thesis is the Kurdish demand for federalism in Iraq. The research question is What have been the factors behind the Kurdish demand for a federal system in Iraq ? My focus is on two main factors, the internal and external (regional and international) factors. This is a qualitative case study. The focus is on why the Kurds chose to remain a part of Iraq, though there would seem to be few reasons for this desire. Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan/Southern Kurdistan have lived in a kind of independent mini-state since the Gulf War of 1991. They had developed good relationships with the outside world at the state level, although these relations were never recognized officially. The discussion also touches on the Kurds in other parts. This is because changes in any of the countries with Kurdish population (Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria) would have a significant impact on the Kurdish issue as a whole. The theoretical part are based on approaches from Lijphart s (1977) and Horowitz s (1985) mechanisms for conflict management and resolutions in divided societies, and from Lake and Rothschild s (ed. 1998) approach of confidence-building measures which includes power-sharing and federalism to keep internal conflicts at a local level and prevent it from spreading. The relationships that have developed after the fall of Ba ath regime indicate that the political system that is taking shape in Iraq will contain elements from both consociational, power-sharing and integrative approaches. The ethnic-religious conflict in Iraq has deep roots and there is a need for power-sharing at regional level, so that Kurds could run own regional affairs. On the other hand, it is necessary for the different groups to negotiate and cooperate in order to solve internal conflicts and future problems ahead in Iraq. The Kurdish issue bears an external dimension too. It is argued that federalism for Kurds seems to be a result of regional and international pressure, and that federalism is being applied to prevent the Kurdish conflict or the conflict in Iraq from escalating, and thereby maintain the geopolitical stability and balance of the region. The analytical part is divided into two, with the internal factors (chapter 4) and the external factors (chapter 5). Due to the internal situation, it would seem to be necessary for the Kurds to maintain their self-rule in a federal order, and also important to have a dialogue with Baghdad and participate in the political process and decision-making. In this way the Kurds could guarantee their future against possible discrimination, and at the same time, bring the Kurds a step further towards gaining control over territories. When it comes to the external factors, the argument is that the demand for federalism came as a result of external pressure on Kurdish decision-makers. The regional powers, especially countries with Kurdish population, have in the past rejected Kurdish demands and have in fact cooperated to prevent the Kurds from establishing autonomous regions. This is because success for Kurds in any neighboring country could awaken nationalistic movements among Kurds across the borders and thereby inspire them to come up with demands. At the international level, the United States seems to need the Kurds, who are struggling for a secular form of democracy in Iraq in order to maintain an internal balance of power, and probably prevent the Shiite majority s attempt to establish another Shiite regime there. Then, federalism with Kurdish regional self-rule satisfies the external powers and neighbors in the region, while the Kurdish population s desire for independency is ignored, again. I also have underlined that one should pay attention to external role regarding internal conflict management. And that the Kurdish conflict, which bears a strong external dimension, is a good example for further studies with similar cases