Durability monitoring of long-lasting insecticidal (mosquito) nets (LLINs) in Madagascar: physical integrity and insecticidal activity

Abstract Background Long-lasting insecticidal mosquito nets (LLINs) are highly effective for malaria prevention. However, it is also clear that durability monitoring is essential to predict when, post-distribution, a net population, no longer meets minimum WHO standards and needs to be replaced. Following a national distribution campaign in 2013, we tracked two durability indicators, physical integrity and bio-efficacy at six and 12 months post-distribution. While the loss of net integrity during this period was in line with expectations for a one-year net life, bio-efficacy results suggested that nets were losing insecticidal effect faster than expected. The rate of bio-efficacy loss varied significantly between different net brands. Methods We tested 600 randomly selected LLINs, 200 from each of three net brands. Each brand came from different eco-epidemiological zones reflecting the original distribution scheme. Fabric integrity (size and number of holes) was quantified using the proportional hole index (pHI). A subsample of the nets, 134 new nets, 150 at six months and 124 at 12 months, were then tested for bio-efficacy using the World Health Organization (WHO) recommended method. Results Three net types, Netprotect®, Royalsentry® and Yorkool®, were followed. After six months, 54%, 39% and 45%, respectively, showed visible loss of integrity. The median pHI by type was estimated to be one, zero and one respectively. The percentage of damaged nets increased after 12 months such that 83.5%, 74% and 68.5%, had holes. The median pHI for each brand of nets was 47.5, 47 and 23. No significant difference in the estimated pHI at either six or 12 months was observed. There was a statistically significant difference in the proportion of hole size category between the three brands (χ 2 = 15.761, df = 4, P = 0.003). In cone bio-assays, mortality of new Yorkool® nets was surprisingly low (48.6%), mortality was 90.2% and 91.3% for Netprotect® and Royalsentry® (F (2, 131) = 81.59, P < 0.0001), respectively. At 12 month use, all tested nets were below the WHO threshold for replacement. Conclusion These findings suggest that there is a need for better net quality control before distribution. More frequent replacement of LLINs is probably not an option programmatically. Regardless of prior approval, LLIN durability monitoring for quality assessment as well as net loss following distribution is necessary to improve malaria control efforts

Investigating Pneumonia Etiology Among Refugees and the Lebanese population (PEARL): A study protocol

Background: Community-acquired pneumonia (CAP), a leading cause of mortality, mainly affects children in developing countries. The harsh circumstances experienced by refugees include various factors associated with respiratory pathogen transmission, and clinical progression of CAP. Consequently, the etiology of CAP in humanitarian crisis situations may differ to that of settled populations, which would impact appropriate case management. Therefore, the Pneumonia Etiology Among Refugees and the Lebanese population (PEARL) study was initiated with the objective of identifying the causal pathogenic microorganisms in the respiratory tract of children and adults from both the refugee and host country population presenting with signs of CAP during a humanitarian crisis. Methods: PEARL, a prospective, multicentric, case-control study, will be conducted at four primary healthcare facilities in Tripoli and the Bekaa valley over 15 months (including two high-transmission seasons/winters). Sociodemographic and medical data, and biological samples will be collected from at least 600 CAP cases and 600 controls. Nasopharyngeal swabs, sputum, urine and blood samples will be analyzed at five clinical pathology laboratories in Lebanon to identify the bacterial and viral etiological agents of CAP. Transcriptomic profiling of host le

The seeds of divergence: the economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

Generally, Canada has been ignored in the literature on the colonial origins of divergence with most of the attention going to the United States. Late nineteenth century estimates of income per capita show that Canada was relatively poorer than the United States and that within Canada, the French and Catholic population of Quebec was considerably poorer. Was this gap long standing? Some evidence has been advanced for earlier periods, but it is quite limited and not well-suited for comparison with other societies. This thesis aims to contribute both to Canadian economic history and to comparative work on inequality across nations during the early modern period. With the use of novel prices and wages from Quebec—which was then the largest settlement in Canada and under French rule—a price index, a series of real wages and a measurement of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are constructed. They are used to shed light both on the course of economic development until the French were defeated by the British in 1760 and on standards of living in that colony relative to the mother country, France, as well as the American colonies. The work is divided into three components. The first component relates to the construction of a price index. The absence of such an index has been a thorn in the side of Canadian historians as it has limited the ability of historians to obtain real values of wages, output and living standards. This index shows that prices did not follow any trend and remained at a stable level. However, there were episodes of wide swings—mostly due to wars and the monetary experiment of playing card money. The creation of this index lays the foundation of the next component. The second component constructs a standardized real wage series in the form of welfare ratios (a consumption basket divided by nominal wage rate multiplied by length of work year) to compare Canada with France, England and Colonial America. Two measures are derived. The first relies on a “bare bones” definition of consumption with a large share of land-intensive goods. This measure indicates that Canada was poorer than England and Colonial America and not appreciably richer than France. However, this measure overestimates the relative position of Canada to the Old World because of the strong presence of land-intensive goods. A second measure is created using a “respectable” definition of consumption in which the basket includes a larger share of manufactured goods and capital-intensive goods. This second basket better reflects differences in living standards since the abundance of land in Canada (and Colonial America) made it easy to achieve bare subsistence, but the scarcity of capital and skilled labor made the consumption of luxuries and manufactured goods (clothing, lighting, imported goods) highly expensive. With this measure, the advantage of New France over France evaporates and turns slightly negative. In comparison with Britain and Colonial America, the gap widens appreciably. This element is the most important for future research. By showing a reversal because of a shift to a different type of basket, it shows that Old World and New World comparisons are very sensitive to how we measure the cost of living. Furthermore, there are no sustained improvements in living standards over the period regardless of the measure used. Gaps in living standards observed later in the nineteenth century existed as far back as the seventeenth century. In a wider American perspective that includes the Spanish colonies, Canada fares better. The third component computes a new series for Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is to avoid problems associated with using real wages in the form of welfare ratios which assume a constant labor supply. This assumption is hard to defend in the case of Colonial Canada as there were many signs of increasing industriousness during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The GDP series suggest no long-run trend in living standards (from 1688 to circa 1765). The long peace era of 1713 to 1740 was marked by modest economic growth which offset a steady decline that had started in 1688, but by 1760 (as a result of constant warfare) living standards had sunk below their 1688 levels. These developments are accompanied by observations that suggest that other indicators of living standard declined. The flat-lining of incomes is accompanied by substantial increases in the amount of time worked, rising mortality and rising infant mortality. In addition, comparisons of incomes with the American colonies confirm the results obtained with wages— Canada was considerably poorer. At the end, a long conclusion is provides an exploratory discussion of why Canada would have diverged early on. In structural terms, it is argued that the French colony was plagued by the problem of a small population which prohibited the existence of scale effects. In combination with the fact that it was dispersed throughout the territory, the small population of New France limited the scope for specialization and economies of scale. However, this problem was in part created, and in part aggravated, by institutional factors like seigneurial tenure. The colonial origins of French America’s divergence from the rest of North America are thus partly institutional