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    Об условиях, Π²Ρ‹Π΄Π²ΠΈΠ³Π°ΡŽΡ‰ΠΈΡ… Ρ‚ΠΎ эпистСмичСскиС, Ρ‚ΠΎ ΡΠ²ΠΈΠ΄Π΅Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠ°Π»ΡŒΠ½Ρ‹Π΅ значСния Π² болгарском языкС

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    The article deals with tip effects between evidential and epistemic components in the meaning potential of evidential markers in Bulgarian, the focus being on sentential adverbs with inferential functions. We justify (and start with) the following assumptions: (i) for any unit we should distinguish its stable semantic meaning from its pragmatic potential which can be favored (or disfavored) by appropriate discourse conditions; (ii) there is a trade off between evidential and epistemic meaning components that are related to each other on the basis of mutual or one-sided implicatures; (iii) one-sided implicatures occur with certain hearsay markers whose epistemic implicatures can be captured as Generalized Conversational Implicatures (GCIs). On this basis, we show that (iv) GCIs work also with inferential markers; they can be classified depending on which component (the inferential or the epistemic one) can be downgraded more easily. A crucial factor favoring the inferential meaning is a perceptual basis of the inference. In general, (v) the more complicated the reconstruction of the cognitive (or communicative) basis leading to an inference, the clearer the epistemic function emerges while the evidential function remains in the background, and vice versa. The study is corpus-driven and also includes an attempt at classifying micro- and macro-contextual conditions that (dis)favor a highlighting of the evidential function.Π‘Ρ‚Π°Ρ‚ΡŒΡ посвящСна условиям, ΠΏΡ€ΠΈ ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Ρ… происходит попСрСмСнная актуализация Ρ‚ΠΎ ΡΠ²ΠΈΠ΄Π΅Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠ°Π»ΡŒΠ½ΠΎΠ³ΠΎ, Ρ‚ΠΎ эпистСмичСского ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΏΠΎΠ½Π΅Π½Ρ‚Π° Π² сСмантичСском ΠΏΠΎΡ‚Π΅Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠ°Π»Π΅ ΡΠ²ΠΈΠ΄Π΅Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠ°Π»ΡŒΠ½Ρ‹Ρ… ΠΏΠΎΠΊΠ°Π·Π°Ρ‚Π΅Π»Π΅ΠΉ болгарского языка. Π‘ΠΎΡΡ€Π΅Π΄ΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ‡ΠΈΠ²Π°ΡΡΡŒ Π½Π° ΡΠ΅Π½Ρ‚Π΅Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠ°Π»ΡŒΠ½Ρ‹Ρ… нарСчиях с ΠΈΠ½Ρ„Π΅Ρ€Π΅Π½Ρ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½Ρ‹ΠΌΠΈ функциями, ΠΌΡ‹ опираСмся Π½Π° ΡΠ»Π΅Π΄ΡƒΡŽΡ‰ΠΈΠ΅ прСдпосылки: (i) для ΠΊΠ°ΠΆΠ΄ΠΎΠΉ Π΅Π΄ΠΈΠ½ΠΈΡ†Ρ‹ слСдуСт ΠΎΡ‚Π»ΠΈΡ‡Π°Ρ‚ΡŒ Π΅Ρ‘ устойчивоС сСмантичСскоС Π·Π½Π°Ρ‡Π΅Π½ΠΈΠ΅ ΠΎΡ‚ прагматичСского ΠΏΠΎΡ‚Π΅Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠ°Π»Π°, Π²Ρ‹ΡΠ²Π»Π΅Π½ΠΈΡŽ ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€ΠΎΠ³ΠΎ ΡΠΏΠΎΡΠΎΠ±ΡΡ‚Π²ΡƒΡŽΡ‚ (ΠΈΠ»ΠΈ ΠΏΡ€Π΅ΠΏΡΡ‚ΡΡ‚Π²ΡƒΡŽΡ‚) Ρ‚Π΅ ΠΈΠ»ΠΈ ΠΈΠ½Ρ‹Π΅ ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΌΡƒΠ½ΠΈΠΊΠ°Ρ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½Ρ‹Π΅ условия; (ii) ΡΠ²ΠΈΠ΄Π΅Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠ°Π»ΡŒΠ½Ρ‹Π΅ ΠΈ эпистСмичСскиС ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΏΠΎΠ½Π΅Π½Ρ‚Ρ‹ значСния довольно Π»Π΅Π³ΠΊΠΎ Π²Ρ‹Ρ‚Π΅ΡΠ½ΡΡŽΡ‚ Π΄Ρ€ΡƒΠ³ Π΄Ρ€ΡƒΠ³Π° ΠΈΠ· ΠΏΠΎΠ·ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΠΈ Π΄ΠΎΠΌΠΈΠ½Π°Π½Ρ‚Ρ‹, ΠΏΡ€ΠΈΡ‡Ρ‘ΠΌ процСсс подавлСния Ρ‚ΠΎ ΠΎΠ΄Π½ΠΎΠ³ΠΎ, Ρ‚ΠΎ Π΄Ρ€ΡƒΠ³ΠΎΠ³ΠΎ ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΏΠΎΠ½Π΅Π½Ρ‚Π° обусловлСн дСйствиСм ΠΎΠ±ΠΎΡŽΠ΄Π½Ρ‹Ρ… ΠΈΠ»ΠΈ ΠΎΠ΄Π½ΠΎΠ½Π°ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²Π»Π΅Π½Π½Ρ‹Ρ… ΠΈΠΌΠΏΠ»ΠΈΠΊΠ°Ρ‚ΡƒΡ€; (iii) ΠΎΠ΄Π½ΠΎΠ½Π°ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²Π»Π΅Π½Π½Ρ‹Π΅ ΠΈΠΌΠΏΠ»ΠΈΠΊΠ°Ρ‚ΡƒΡ€Ρ‹ происходят с ΠΎΠΏΡ€Π΅Π΄Π΅Π»Ρ‘Π½Π½Ρ‹ΠΌΠΈ показатСлями Ρ€Π΅ΠΏΠΎΡ€Ρ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½Ρ‹Ρ… Π·Π½Π°Ρ‡Π΅Π½ΠΈΠΉ, эпистСмичСскиС ΠΈΠΌΠΏΠ»ΠΈΠΊΠ°Ρ‚ΡƒΡ€Ρ‹ ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Ρ… ΠΌΠΎΠ³ΡƒΡ‚ Π±Ρ‹Ρ‚ΡŒ ΠΏΠΎΠ΄Π²Π΅Π΄Π΅Π½Ρ‹ ΠΏΠΎΠ΄ ΠΊΠ°Ρ‚Π΅Π³ΠΎΡ€ΠΈΡŽ ΠΎΠ±ΠΎΠ±Ρ‰Ρ‘Π½Π½ΠΎΠΉ ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΌΡƒΠ½ΠΈΠΊΠ°Ρ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½ΠΎΠΉ ΠΈΠΌΠΏΠ»ΠΈΠΊΠ°Ρ‚ΡƒΡ€Ρ‹ (Generalized Conversational Implicatures, GCIs). На этом основании ΠΌΡ‹ ΠΏΠΎΠΊΠ°Π·Ρ‹Π²Π°Π΅ΠΌ, Ρ‡Ρ‚ΠΎ (iv) GCIs ΡΡ€Π°Π±Π°Ρ‚Ρ‹Π²Π°ΡŽΡ‚ Ρ‚Π°ΠΊΠΆΠ΅ Π² Π·Π½Π°Ρ‡Π΅Π½ΠΈΠΈ ΠΈΠ½Ρ„Π΅Ρ€Π΅Π½Ρ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½Ρ‹Ρ… ΠΏΠΎΠΊΠ°Π·Π°Ρ‚Π΅Π»Π΅ΠΉ; ΠΎΠ½ΠΈ ΠΌΠΎΠ³ΡƒΡ‚ Π±Ρ‹Ρ‚ΡŒ классифицированы Π² соотвСтствии с Ρ‚Π΅ΠΌ, ΠΊΠ°ΠΊΠΎΠΉ ΠΈΠ· ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΏΠΎΠ½Π΅Π½Ρ‚ΠΎΠ² (ΠΈΠ½Ρ„Π΅Ρ€Π΅Π½Ρ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½Ρ‹ΠΉ ΠΈΠ»ΠΈ эпистСмичСский) большС ΠΏΠΎΠ΄Π²Π΅Ρ€ΠΆΠ΅Π½ ΠΏΠΎ давлСнию. БущСствСнным Ρ„Π°ΠΊΡ‚ΠΎΡ€ΠΎΠΌ, ΡΠΏΠΎΡΠΎΠ±ΡΡ‚Π²ΡƒΡŽΡ‰ΠΈΠΌ Π²Ρ‹Π΄Π²ΠΈΠΆΠ΅Π½ΠΈΡŽ Π½Π° ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π΄Π½ΠΈΠΉ ΠΏΠ»Π°Π½ ΠΈΠ½Ρ„Π΅Ρ€Π΅Π½Ρ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½ΠΎΠ³ΠΎ ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΏΠΎΠ½Π΅Π½Ρ‚Π°, являСтся пСрцСптивная основа ΠΈΠ½Ρ„Π΅Ρ€Π΅Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ. Π’ ΠΎΠ±Ρ‰Π΅ΠΌ ΠΈ Ρ†Π΅Π»ΠΎΠΌ, (v) Ρ‡Π΅ΠΌ слоТнСС рСконструкция ΠΊΠΎΠ³Π½ΠΈΡ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½ΠΎΠΉ (ΠΈΠ»ΠΈ ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΌΡƒΠ½ΠΈΠΊΠ°Ρ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½ΠΎΠΉ) основы, Π²Π΅Π΄ΡƒΡ‰Π΅ΠΉ ΠΊ ΠΈΠ½Ρ„Π΅Ρ€Π΅Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ, Ρ‚Π΅ΠΌ ярчС Π½Π° ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π΄Π½Π΅ΠΌ ΠΏΠ»Π°Π½Π΅ укрСпляСтся эпистСмичСская функция, Ρ‚ΠΎΠ³Π΄Π° ΠΊΠ°ΠΊ ΡΠ²ΠΈΠ΄Π΅Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠ°Π»ΡŒΠ½Π°Ρ (инфСрСнтивная) функция остаётся Π² Ρ‚Π΅Π½ΠΈ, ΠΈ Π½Π°ΠΎΠ±ΠΎΡ€ΠΎΡ‚. НашС исслСдованиС ΠΌΠΎΠΆΠ½ΠΎ ΠΏΡ€ΠΈΠ·Π½Π°Ρ‚ΡŒ ΡΠΊΡΠΏΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΠΌΠ΅Π½Ρ‚Π°Π»ΡŒΠ½ΠΎ-эвристичСским, ΠΈ ΠΎΠ½ΠΎ содСрТит ΠΏΠΎΠΏΡ‹Ρ‚ΠΊΡƒ классификации условий ΠΌΠΈΠΊΡ€ΠΎ- ΠΈ макроконтСкста, ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ ΡΠΏΠΎΡΠΎΠ±ΡΡ‚Π²ΡƒΡŽΡ‚ ΠΈΠ»ΠΈ ΠΏΡ€Π΅ΠΏΡΡ‚ΡΡ‚Π²ΡƒΡŽΡ‚ Π²Ρ‹ΡΠ²Π΅Ρ‡ΠΈΠ²Π°Π½ΠΈΡŽ ΡΠ²ΠΈΠ΄Π΅Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠ°Π»ΡŒΠ½ΠΎΠΉ Ρ„ΡƒΠ½ΠΊΡ†ΠΈΠΈ

    On Conditions Instantiating Tip Effects of Epistemic and Evidential Meanings in Bulgarian

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    The article deals with tip effects between evidential and epistemic components in the meaning potential of evidential markers in Bulgarian, the focus being on sentential adverbs with inferential functions. We justify (and start with) the following assumptions: (i) for any unit we should distinguish its stable semantic meaning from its pragmatic potential which can be favored (or disfavored) by appropriate discourse conditions; (ii) there is a trade off between evidential and epistemic meaning components that are related to each other on the basis of mutual or one-sided implicatures; (iii) one-sided implicatures occur with certain hearsay markers whose epistemic implicatures can be captured as Generalized Conversational Implicatures (GCIs). On this basis, we show that (iv) GCIs work also with inferential markers; they can be classified depending on which component (the inferential or the epistemic one) can be downgraded more easily. A crucial factor favoring the inferential meaning is a perceptual basis of the inference. In general, (v) the more complicated the reconstruction of the cognitive (or communicative) basis leading to an inference, the clearer the epistemic function emerges while the evidential function remains in the background, and vice versa. The study is corpus-driven and also includes an attempt at classifying micro- and macro-contextual conditions that (dis)favor a highlighting of the evidential function
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