Political parties in MENA : their functions and development

This article provides an overview of the development of parties and party systems in the MENA region from early oligarchic pluralism to the mass single-party systems of the populist era and the limited multi-party experiments of the 1990s era of political liberalization. The survey shows how parties develop in parallel with the deepening of politicization and become nearly indispensable adjuncts in the construction of political order. The article then examines parties in the post-2010 period, with case studies of Turkey, Egypt, and Tunisia demonstrating how very different configurations of party development dramatically impact on regime trajectories, ranging from democratization to hybrid regimes.PostprintPeer reviewe

Back to the future : the Arab uprisings and state (re)formation in the Arab world

This article contributes to debates that aim to go beyond the “democratization” and “post-democratization” paradigms to understand change and continuity in Arab politics. In tune with calls to focus on the actualities of political dynamics, the article shows that the literatures on State Formation and Contentious Politics provide useful theoretical tools to understand change/continuity in Arab politics. It does so by examining the impact of the latest Arab uprisings on state formation trajectories in Iraq and Syria. The uprisings have aggravated a process of regime erosion – which originated in post-colonial state-building attempts – by mobilizing sectarian and ethnic identities and exposing the counties to geo-political rivalries and intervention, giving rise to trans-border movements, such as ISIS. The resulting state fragmentation has obstructed democratic transition in Syria and constrained its consolidation in Iraq.PostprintPeer reviewe

The Potential of Regional Integration Agreements (RIAs) in Enhancing the Credibility of Reform: The Case of the Syrian-European Association Agreement

The effect of 'locking-in' economic reform and enhancing its credibility is generally regarded as one of the most important potential effects of regional integration. Based on a detailed review of the theoretical debate, this paper develops a general framework for assessment to evaluate the ability of RIAs to serve as effective mechanisms for 'commitment' and 'signalling'. In the second part, this assessment framework is applied to the case of the Syrian-European Association Agreement (AA). Syria initialled an AA with the European Union in October 2004, but two and a half years later, this agreement is still pending formal signature. The empirical findings of this study show that despite several shortcomings, the Syrian-European AA, if it were to come into force, should be able to deliver an appropriate mechanism for signalling and commitment and thus to improve the credibility of the Syrian process of reform at home and abroad. A major loophole of the agreement, however, is represented by its lack of incentives to increase the 'rewards for good policy'.Der Effekt der Verankerung von Reformen und die Erhöhung ihrer Glaubwürdigkeit (Lock-in-Effekt) gilt allgemein als einer der wichtigsten Effekte der regionalen Integration. Aufbauend auf einer detaillierten Betrachtung der theoretischen Debatte zum 'Lock-in-Effekt' wird in diesem Papier ein allgemeiner Analyserahmen entworfen, der dazu dient, die Fähigkeit von RIA als Mechanismen der Signalisierung und Selbstbindung zu bewerten. Im anschließenden zweiten Teil wird dieser Analyserahmen auf das Beispiel des Syrisch-Europäischen Assoziierungsabkommens angewendet. Syrien initialisierte im Oktober 2004 ein Assoziierungsabkommen mit der Europäischen Union. Zweieinhalb Jahre später ist dieses Abkommen noch immer nicht formell unterzeichnet. Die Ergebnisse dieser Studie zeigen, dass das Syrisch-Europäische Assoziierungsabkommen - sollte es in Kraft treten - trotz einiger Mängel einen adäquaten Mechanismus der Signalisierung und Selbstbindung liefern und dazu beitragen kann, die Glaubwürdigkeit des syrischen Reformprozesses in - und außerhalb des Landes zu verbessern. Eine wesentliche Schwäche des Abkommensentwurfs liegt allerdings in mangelnden Anreizen für eine 'Belohnung der guten Politik'

Party and Peasant in Syria

This study represents a first and very preliminary attempt to describe the development of rural policies and structures and their consequences in Syria under the Ba\u27th regime. The analysis pretends to no conceptual or methodological sophistication. Its basic limitation derives from the research method employed, entailing heavy dependence on a program of official interviews and village field trips undertaken by the writer with the cooperation of the Ba\u27th party authorities within a limited period of time (one year

Revisionist dreams, realist strategies:The foreign policy of Syria

The 1967 defeat brought home the high costs of messianic revisionism and provoked the rise to power of Hafiz Al-Asad, a leader who, while no less stamped by Syria’s grievances and dreams, was prepared to chart a more realistic course matching Syrian objectives and means. Syria’s geographic position in the heart of the Arab East and astride a land without a historic tradition of statehood has shaped a foreign policy orientation that looks outward to the wider Arab world. Syria’s economy is too slim to support its foreign policy commitments. Syria’s military capabilities have continually expanded, especially under Asad, resulting in an enormous military machine for a country its size, although it has developed much less in qualitative terms. The military balance between Israel and Syria has historically been a component of a larger balance between Israel and a potential Arab war coalition. Syria has traditionally thought of itself as the “beating heart of Arabism.”.</p

ASAD'S SYRIA AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER:The Struggle for Regime Survival

Examines the Asad regime's attempts to adapt itself to the end of the Cold Wa

Party activists in syria and egypt

Using data from questionnaires given to Bath activists in Syria and Wafd activists in Egypt, this article examines the character of political activism in Third World authoritarian regimes. Both class and ideology appear to be significant determinants of the party chosen for participation. A complex set of motivational considerations rooted in personal and primordial relationships is often found to blend and coexist with class and ideological interests. Autonomous and publicly purposive political activism is possible under such regimes, albeit over a narrower range of concerns than in electoral democ racies.</p

Political recruitment and socialization in Syria:The case of the revolutionary youth federation

Examines the Revolutionary Youth Union, the attitudes of its members and its role in the Ba'th party dominated Syrian political syste