"Regionalism and Sub-regionalism in the Caribbean: Challenges and Prospects" Any Insights from the European Union?

This paper examines how and why the institutional framework governing EMU has evolved since the creation of the euro. Building on theories of institutionalism, the paper in particular investigates to what extent functional spill-overs from the single currency to other policy domains, like macroeconomic policies or financial regulation, met with an adequate institutional response, and to what extent the existing institutional framework conditioned the response to the financial crisis. The interaction between policy requirements and institutional capabilities is examined both in “ordinary” times (1999- 2007) and under “crisis conditions” (2007-2010). The paper uses a typology of change which helps to put into perspective both the resilience of the institutional framework of EMU and its capacity to adapt. In this respect, it allows for a better understanding and framing of the current reforms of EMU economic governance. It concludes that even though the crisis will accelerate institutional development, it will do so only in a gradual way, as path dependence and inbuilt bias towards incremental change will prevent policymakers pursuing a “clean slate” strategy

Caricom: Coming of Age? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 7 No. 4 April 2007

[Introduction]. The contemporary global political economy is characterised by synergies and dichotomies between globalism and regionalisms. While this is not new, it has taken on added currency in recent years with the intensification of globalization and trade liberalization. As Hettne and Söderbaum contend, regional integration is “…a complex process of change simultaneously involving state as well as non-state actors and occurring as a result of global, regional, national and local level forces.” For them, regions are viewed as “emerging phenomenon, ambiguously both forming part of and driving, as well as reacting against and modifying the global order.”(1) The European Union (EU) is the most advanced and sophisticated regional project, and provides a useful reference point, as a model of governance beyond the sovereign state. This paper argues, however, that the motivation for regionalism in the North is different from that in the South. As Hettne et al remind us, core regions are coherent, politically strong, well organized at the supranational level, not only economically growing but leading in technological innovation. Core regions are ‘policy-makers’ which organize for the sake of being better able to control the rest of the world, the world outside of their own region and compete among themselves in exercising this influence. Peripheral regions are ‘policy-takers’ since they are politically more turbulent and economically more stagnant. Consequently they have to organize in order to stop the threat of marginalization. At the same time their regional arrangements are fragile and ineffective. (2) Therefore, for the developing world, regional integration is both necessary and problematic. While this is not new, global forces have generated renewed urgency for integration in the South. Within this context the paper examines the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). As the Caribbean seeks to navigate the global environment regional integration continues to be a necessary imperative. As such there have been concrete steps toward deeper integration, for example, the establishment of the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) and the launch of the Caribbean Single Market (CSM) in 2005 and 2006 respectively. Yet, despite those visible attempts to deepen integration, the emerging institutional design still caters for a minimalist (3) form of integration. The paper argues that after thirty-four years, the Caribbean is coming of age, but with inherent deficiencies. The paper is structured in three parts. Following this introduction the first section examines some theoretical imperatives. Second, it analyses the current state of Caribbean integration, mindful of the significance of the EU model as a frame of reference. The final section offers conclusions and suggestions for further research

Exploring the Implications of European Integration for The Anglophone Caribbean: From Lomé to EPA. Working Paper Series Vol. 4 No. 17, December 2004

[From the introduction]. The paper specifically discusses the implications of European integration for the Anglophone Caribbean. (5) Why the EU and the Anglophone Caribbean? As the paper demonstrates these two regions are historically entwined through colonial ties and post-colonial trade and aid arrangements. Much has been written about Europe and the Caribbean in the context of colonialism or post-colonialism (6) or EU-Caribbean trade relations, within the broader context of the African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States.(7) There is also an emerging body of literature which examines the implications of European integration for the Anglophone Caribbean in the post-Lomé era. (8) What this paper sets out to do is add to the discourse on European integration and the implications for the Anglophone Caribbean in general and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) (9) in particular. The paper begins by outlining the historical relationship between the EU and the Anglophone Caribbean through the framework of the Lomé Conventions. It then discusses some of the significant developments in the EU and in CARICOM during the late 1980s and 1990s. The next section analyses some of the challenges in the post-Lomé era, which threaten the traditional relationship between the EU and the ACP in general and the Anglophone Caribbean in particular. Finally the paper draws some broad conclusions and offers suggestions for further research

Exploring the challenges to regional integration in the developing world: The case of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM)

Regional integration is both necessary and problematic. This study used the case of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) to illustrate the complexities of regionalization in the contemporary era. This region was chosen given its uniqueness as a micro region in the developing world. The central hypothesis of the study is that the realities in the new economic and political order are pushing CARICOM toward deeper integration. Yet, despite the external incentives to integrate, the adversarial political culture within member states is slowing down the pace of integration. This qualitative study combined the historical, case study and comparative methodologies to interrogate the problem. The theoretical guide for the study combines the New Regionalism Theory, which distinguishes between regional integration in the developed and developing worlds and inter-governmentalism, which focuses on the implications of domestic politics on regional integration. The dissertation draws on the experiences of other regional projects, in particular the European Union, to create a broad framework to understand regional integration praxis. The study concludes that there is a complex interrelationship between globalization, regionalization and democratization. The study also found that in the case of the CARICOM, the emerging regional space is being shaped by the push-pull dynamics of integration. The dissertation offers possible scenarios for the future of the Caribbean integration process and recommendations for the way forward

The Commonwealth at Sixty — the Place of the English-Speaking Caribbean : Continuity, Division and Tension

For the last three decades, the Commonwealth has worked at identifying and overcoming the vulnerability of small states. As more small independent states became members, the Commonwealth, especially under Secretary-General Shridath Ramphal, grew more aware of the specific response their particular position called for, therefore emerging as the first international organization to recognize their specificity. Commonwealth action for small states has thus aimed at protecting them against a hostile geographical as well as political environment which they had little resource to resist. In this respect the Commonwealth has fostered regional solidarities as well as individual national resilience. In this context, the Grenada invasion by the United States in 1983 provides a relevant case study of the vulnerability of small Caribbean states on the international scene : confronted to the direct violation of one of their fellows’ sovereignty, many of them took sides with a more powerful foreign state instead of condemning the invasion, therefore breaking regional solidarity ties. As well as enquiring into the tensions generated within the Commonwealth and among English-speaking Caribbean states by the Grenada issue, this paper also delivers an assessment of the work the Commonwealth has accomplished in the Caribbean to promote democracy and developmentDepuis trois décennies, le Commonwealth s’est attaché à identifier et vaincre la vulnérabilité des petits Etats. De plus en plus de petits Etats rejoignant l’organisation, le Commonwealth, surtout sous les mandats du Secrétaire général Shridath Ramphal, a pris conscience des programmes spécifiques que leur position particulière exigeait, devenant ainsi la première organisation internationale à reconnaître leur spécificité. Le Commonwealth a orienté son action en faveur des petits Etats de façon à les protéger d’un environnement géographique et politique hostile auquel leur manque de ressources leur permettait mal de faire face. Le Commonwealth a ainsi favorisé les solidarités régionales ainsi que la résilience nationale de ces Etats. Dans ce contexte, l’invasion de la Grenade par les Etats-Unis en 1983 fournit un exemple marquant de la vulnérabilité des petits Etats de la Caraïbe sur la scène internationale. Confrontés à la violation directe de la souveraineté de l’un de leurs, plusieurs Etats se sont rangés du côté de la grande puissance étrangère, au lieu de condamner l’invasion, rompant ainsi les solidarités régionales. Tout en analysant les tensions que la question de la Grenade a générées au sein du Commonwealth et des Etats de la Caraïbe anglophone, cet article évalue également le rôle de l’organisation pour la promotion de la démocratie et du développement dans la région.Barrow-Giles Cynthia, Grenade Wendy C., Joseph Tennyson S. D. The Commonwealth at Sixty — the Place of the English-Speaking Caribbean : Continuity, Division and Tension. In: Cahiers Charles V, n°49,2010. Le Commonwealth des nations en mutation: décolonisations, globalisation et gouvernance. pp. 125-159

After Vienna: dimensions of the relationship between the European Union and the Latin America-Caribbean region.

Regional integration is one of the most effective mechanisms of cooperation among sovereign states to contribute to the welfare of their citizens and to diminish the chances of conflicts. The European Union has been until now the pioneer and undisputed leader in this respect. Since its inception in the 1950s, right after the Schuman Declaration that set in motion the innovative idea proposed by Jean Monnet of sharing the coal and steel industries, Europe has offered a useful model. Strengthened by the Treaty of Rome signed in 1957 (exactly half a century ago), this bold entity was later transformed into the European Union by the Maastricht Treaty. Having accomplished its central mission (“to make war unthinkable and materially impossible”), the EU currently faces challenges of expansion and presents doubts about its process of deepening its pooled sovereignty. Among all of the regions of the world, Latin America and the Caribbean have been fertile grounds for the adaptation of the original European idea. It is for this reason that this volume is dedicated to the study of this effort. It also examines the balance of this special Trans-Atlantic relationship, as experienced in the summits periodically held between the two regions and expressed in the crafting of the Strategic Partnership. The new Central America Common Market, CARICOM, the Andean Community and MERCOSUR are the specific objects of individual analysis

The European Union and regional integration. A comparative perspective and lessons for the Americas.

Regional integration processes are meant to provide a peaceful arena in which sovereign countries voluntarily combine their efforts in areas of mutual concern, creating common regional interests and objectives. Models and ideas, however, do not always result in concrete actions or significant accomplishments. Even the most developed institutional exercise of regional integration, the European Union (EU), is commonly overwhelmed by the contradictions and obstacles of the institutional architecture and the interests of the member states. The construction of the EU has continued for more than five decades and remains an unfinished project. Despite its ebbs and flows, the assessment of the European integration process is positive and still at the forefront of regional integration experiences. In that regard, what lessons can be learned in the Americas from the European experience? What are the peculiarities and prospects of the integration processes in the Western Hemisphere? What are the conditions necessary for developing integration processes? Some ideas and responses to these questions are provided in the articles of this book, grouped in four sections: hemispheric integration, North America, Central America and the Caribbean, and South America. The contributors demonstrate that integration in the sub-regions of the Americas has progressed in varying degrees, and that each integration process is characterized by particular circumstances that constrain further institutional developments, legitimacy and credibility. Regional integration in both Europe and the Americas is a work in progress, and therefore, scholarly exercises of the kind included in this book serve not only as a reflection and analysis of what currently exists and how it has developed, but also as a consideration for future developments