36 research outputs found
The Difference of Members Policy Concern and Influence in Mixed Electoral System
μ΄ μ°κ΅¬μ λͺ©μ μ νκ΅μ νΌν©ν μ κ±°μ λμ μ£Όλͺ©νμ¬, μμ 거ꡬμ μ μν΄ μ μΆλ μ§μꡬ μμκ³Ό μ λΉλͺ
λΆμ λΉλ‘λνμ μ μν΄ μ μΆλ λΉλ‘λν μμμ΄ μ μ±
μ κ΄μ¬κ³Ό μ μ±
μν₯λ ₯μ μ°¨μ΄λ₯Ό 보μ΄λμ§λ₯Ό λΆμνλ κ²μ΄λ€. λ¨μλ€μ μμ 거ꡬμ μ μν΄ μ μΆλ μ§μꡬ μμμ κ°ν μ§μμ μ°κ³μ μ κ±°μ±
μμ±μ κ°κΈ° λλ¬Έμ λΉλ‘λν μμκ³Ό μ°¨λ³μ μΈ μ μ±
κ΄μ¬κ³Ό μν₯λ ₯μ λ³΄μΌ κ²μΌλ‘ κΈ°λλλ€. λΆμλμμ μ 18λ κ΅νμμ λ°μλ 1λ§1191건μ μμμμ΄λ€. μμμμ μ΄ 15κ°μ μ μ±
λΆμΌλ‘ λΆλ₯λμλ€. κ΅νμμμ μ μ±
μ κ΄μ¬μ λ²μλ°μλ₯Ό ν΅ν΄μ, μ μ±
μν₯λ ₯μ λ²μκ°κ²°κ³Ό λμλ°μνκΈ°λ₯Ό ν΅ν΄μ νμ
νμλ€. λΆμκ²°κ³Όλ λ€μκ³Ό κ°λ€. 첫째, μ§μꡬ μμμ΄ λΉλ‘λν μμλ³΄λ€ μλμ μΌλ‘ λμ μ μ±
κ΄μ¬μ λ³΄μΈ λΆμΌλ λλ¦Όμμ°μ μ±
, κ΅ν κ°λ°μ μ±
, μ‘°μΈμ¬μ μ μ±
μΌλ‘ λνλ¬λ€. μ¬κΈ°μ ν΄λΉλλ λ²μλ€μ μμκ³Ό μμ°μ λΆλ°°μ κ΄λ ¨λ λΆλ°°μ μ±
(distributive policy) μ νμ μνλ©°, μμμ μ§μꡬμ μ¬μ μΉ(pork barrel politics)μ μ 리ν μ μ±
λΆμΌλΌλ 곡ν΅μ μ κ°λλ€. λμ§Έ, λΉλ‘λν μμμ μ¬μ±κ°μ‘±μ μ±
, 보건볡μ§μ μ±
, λ
Έλμ μ±
λ±μμ μλμ μΌλ‘ λμ κ΄μ¬μ 보μλ€. μ΄λ μ¬μ±μ΄λ λ
Έλμ λ± κ΄λ²μν μΈκ΅¬μ§λ¨μ μ μ±
λμμΌλ‘ νλ©°, 볡μ§μ μ±
μ μ±κ²©μ κ°νκ² λ λ μ μ±
λΆμΌλΌλ νΉμ§μ κ°λλ€. μ
μ§Έ, λλ¦Όμμ°μ μ±
κ³Ό κ΅ν κ°λ° μ μ±
μ κ²°μ κ³Όμ μμ μ§μꡬ μμμ λΉλ‘λν μμλ³΄λ€ μλμ μΌλ‘ ν° μν₯λ ₯μ νμ¬νλ κ²μΌλ‘ λνλ¬λ€. νΉν λλ¦Όμμ°μ μ±
μ κ²½μ°μλ μ§μꡬ μμμ μ μ±
μν₯λ ₯μ΄ ν΅κ³μ μΌλ‘λ μ
μ¦λμλ€. μ΄ μ°κ΅¬λ νΉμ μ μ±
λΆμΌμμλ κ΅νμμμ λνμ νμ΄ μμ νλμ μν₯μ λ―ΈμΉλ μ μλ―Έν λ³μμμ μ
μ¦νμλ€λ μ μμ μμλ₯Ό μ°Ύμ μ μλ€.The purpose of this study, which is focused on Koreas mixed electoral system, is to analyze the difference of policy activity between members elected by the single-member district (SMD) and the Members elected by the party list of proportional representation (PR). Because Members from SMD have strong local connections and representational accountability, they are expected to have greater incentives for pork barrel legislation than proportional representatives. The data for analysis was from the 11,191 cases of members proposals from the 18th National Assembly. The legislative proposals were classified into a total of 15 policy areas. Policy concerns of the members of the National Assembly are reflected through bill proposals and policy influence is reflected in passed bills. The results are as follows. Firstly, Members fro SMD show greater interest in the fields of agriculture, forestry and fisheries policies, land development policy and taxation and fiscal policy than PR Members. The bills that are in those fields are classified as distributive policies, which relates to the distribution of resources and the budget. These policy area are beneficial to Members reelection. Secondly, proportional representatives showed a relatively high level of interest in women and family policy, health and welfare policy, labor policy and others. They target an extensive range of population groups, including women and workers, and are especially in charge of welfare policy. Thirdly, in agriculture, forestry and fisheries policies and land development policies, Members from SMD showed significantly greater policy influence than proportional representatives. In particular, the policy influence of Members from SMD in agriculture, forestry and fisheries policies is statistically confirmed. This study has proven meaningful by confirming that in certain policy fields, representative type among National Assembly members can influence their legislative activity
Discourses, Policy Change, and Legislatorsβ Voting Choice: Analyzing the Enactment Process of the Infant Care Act of 2015
An Analysis of Members Party Royalty Does Gender Gap Exist?
μ΄ μ°κ΅¬μ λͺ©μ μ μ 17λ κ΅νμμ μ¬μ±μμμ΄ κΈμ¦ν μ μ μ£Όλͺ©νμ¬ κ΅νμμμ μ λΉμΆ©μ±λμ μ±μ°¨κ° μ‘΄μ¬νλμ§λ₯Ό λΆμνκ³ , μ λΉμΆ©μ±λμ μν₯μ λ―ΈμΉλ κ²°μ μμΈμ λ°νλ κ²μ΄λ€. μ΄λ μ λΉμΆ©μ±λλ μμ λ²μμ λν λ³Ένμ νκ²°μμ μμμ΄ μμμ λΉμ λΉλ‘ μ λ°λΌ ν¬νν μ λλ‘ μ μνμλ€.
λΆμκ²°κ³Ό μ¬μ±μμμ λ¨μ±μμλ³΄λ€ λμ μ λΉμΆ©μ±λλ₯Ό 보μμΌλ©°, κ·Έ μ°¨μ΄λ ν΅κ³μ μΌλ‘ μ μλ―Έν κ²μΌλ‘ λνλ¬λ€. κ·Έλ¬λ μμ μ±λ³λΏλ§ μλλΌ μμμ λΉ, λν μ ν, μ΄λ
μ±ν₯, μ μ λ±μ λ³μλ₯Ό ν¬ν¨ν νκ·λΆμκ²°κ³Ό μμμ μ±λ³μ΄ μ λΉμΆ©μ±λμ λ―ΈμΉλ μν₯λ ₯μ΄ μ¬λΌμ‘λ€. κ΅νμμ μ λΉμΆ©μ±λλ₯Ό κ²°μ νλ μ μΌν μμΈμ μμ μ λΉμΌλ‘ λνλ¬λλ°, μ§κΆλΉμΌ μ΄λ¦°μ°λ¦¬λΉ μμμ΄ μ 1μΌλΉμΈ νλλΌλΉ μμλ³΄λ€ λμ μ λΉμΆ©μ±λλ₯Ό 보μλ€.
νκ΅μ μΉμμ κ΅νμμμ λΉλ‘ ν¬νλ μ±
μμ λΉμ μΉμ κ΄μ μμ νκ°λ기보λ€λ ν보곡μ²κΆμ λ¬΄κΈ°λ‘ νμ¬λλ κ°ν μ λΉκΈ°μ¨μ΄λΌλ μΈ‘λ©΄μμ λΉνλ°λλ€. μ΄ μ°κ΅¬μ λΆμκ²°κ³Όλ κ΅νμμμ μμμ λΉμ΄ μ
λ²ννμ λ―ΈμΉλ κ°ν μν₯λ ₯μ κ²½νμ μΌλ‘ μ
μ¦νλ€λ μ μμ μμλ₯Ό κ°λλ€. κ΅νμμμ μ
λ²ννλ₯Ό ꡬμνλ μ μΉμ μλ ₯μ ν° μ°¨μ΄κ° μλ€λ©΄, λμΌν μ
λ² νκ²½μμ νλνλ μμλ€μ μ
λ²ννμμ μ±μ°¨λ₯Ό λ°κ²¬νκΈ°λ μ½μ§ μμ κ²μ΄λ€.
The purpose of this study is to analyze whether there is gender difference in the Members' party royalty, and to find out determinants of Members party royalty. The party royalty is measured by the frequency Members vote in accord with party line.
The findings are as follows. Women Members show higher party royalty and it is statistically significant. But when party is controlled, the impact of gender on party royalty disappears. The only determinant of Member's party royalty is the party. Members of the majority party(Uri party) showed higher party royalty than minority party(Gran National Party).
The implication of these findings is that as long as there is no change in these political context and party pressure, it is not easy for Member's gender to have influence on voting behavior. In Korea political context, high level of party royalty has been criticized as an obstacle to the democratization of legislative process because party line is decided in a top-down way. And the main political resource the party can restrain Members voting decision is its candidate selection power
Political Dynamics of Adopting Gender Quota in Korea
μ΄ μ°κ΅¬λ 2004λ
μ λΉλ‘λν ν보μμ λν 50% μ¬μ±ν λΉμ κ° μ±νλ μ μμλ λμΈμ λ°νλ κ²μ λͺ©μ μΌλ‘ νλ€. μ¬μ±ν λΉμ μ λν κΈ°μ‘΄μ μ°κ΅¬λ€μ ν λΉμ μ±ν μμΈμΌλ‘ μ¬μ±κ³μ λμκ³Ό μλ ₯, κ΅μ μ‘°μ§κ³Ό κ΅μ κ·λ²μ μλ ₯, νλ±μ΄λ 곡μ μ±κ³Ό κ°μ μ μΉκ·λ²μ μν₯λ ₯, μ μΉμ리νΈλ€μ μ λ΅μ μ΄μ΅ λ±μ μ£Όλͺ©ν΄ μλ€. νκ΅μ ν λΉμ μ±νκ³Όμ μ λν μ°κ΅¬λ λ² μ΄μ§ νλκ°λ Ήκ³Ό κ°μ κ΅μ μ κ·λ²μ μλ ₯κ³Ό μ¬μ±κ³μ λμμ μ£Όλ‘ κ°μ‘°ν¨μΌλ‘μ¨, μλμ μΌλ‘ μ μΉκΆμ μ λ΅μ μ΄μ΅μ΄λΌλ μΈ‘λ©΄μ κ°κ³Όν΄ μλ€. νκ΅μ΄ λμ
ν ν λΉμ λ λ²μ μ무ν λΉμ μ΄λ―λ‘, μ
λ²μ μμ¬κ²°μ κΆμμΈ κ΅νμμμ μ λ΅μ μ΄μ΅κ³Ό μ νμ΄λΌλ μΈ‘λ©΄μ΄ λ§€μ° μ€μνλ€λ κ²μ΄ μ΄ μ°κ΅¬μ μ£Όμ₯μ΄λ€. 2002λ
μ 16λ λμ μ΄νμ λΆλ²μ μΉμκΈ μ¬κ±΄μ΄ ν°μ§λ©΄μ μ μΉκΆμ κ΅λ―Όλ€λ‘λΆν° λλμ μΈ μ μΉ κ°νμ μꡬμ μ§λ©΄νμλ€. λν μ 17λ μ΄μ μ μλκ³ κ΅νμμ μ μλ₯Ό κΈ°μ‘΄μ 273μΈμμ 299μΈμΌλ‘ 26μΈ μ¦μμν€κ³ μΆμλ μ μΉκΆμ μμμ¦κ°μ λͺ
λΆμ νμλ‘ νμλ€. 50% μ¬μ±ν λΉμ λ κ΅λ―Όλ€μ μ μΉκ°ν μꡬμ λν λμκ³Ό μμμ¦κ°μ λͺ
λΆμΌλ‘ μ΄μ©λμλ€.λ¬Όλ‘ μ¬μ±κ³μ μλ ₯μ΄λ κ΅μ κ·λ²μ μν₯λ ₯λ 50% μ¬μ±ν λΉμ μ μ±νμμ μλΉν μν μ νμμ νλ¦Όμ΄ μλ€. κ·Έλ¬λ μ λλ³νμ λν μΈλΆμ μλ ₯μ΄ μ무리 κ°ν΄λ λΉμμ μ μΉμ λ§₯λ½κ³Ό μ ν©μ±μ κ°μ§ λͺ»νκ±°λ μμ¬κ²°μ κΆμμ μ λ΅μ μ΄μ΅μ λ°νλ€λ©΄ μ λλ³νλ μ΄λ €μΈ κ²μ΄λ€. λ°λΌμ μ΄ μ°κ΅¬λ 50% μ¬μ±ν λΉμ κ° μ±νλ μ μμλ λμΈμλ μ¬μ±κ³μ μλ ₯λΏλ§ μλλΌ, μ μΉκ°νμ λν κ΅λ―Όλ€μ κ°ν μꡬ, κ·Έλ¦¬κ³ λ¬΄μ보λ€λ κ΅νμμμ μ λ΅μ μ΄μ΅μ΄ μμμμ κ°μ‘°νλ€.
The purpose of this research is to analyze the dynamics of the adoption of gender quota system in Korea, 2004. To explain the adoption of quota system, studies around the world focuse on women mobilization, international norms and spread through transnational sharing, emerging notions of equality and representation, and political elites strategic interests. The type of quota policy of Korea is the legislative quotas, which is instituted through the amendment of law or constitution. Thats the reason political elites strategic interests has played very important role in Korean case.
After the 16th Presidential election, illegal electoral fundraising of the presidential candidate provoked the strong demand of olitical innovation from the civil society. As this political context was compatible with the members strategic interest (justification for the increase of seats from 273 to 299), 50% gender quota for PR party list could be adopted. The argument of this research is not to deny the importance of women mobilization for quotas, but to say however strong the pressure for the change of policy from the civil society, it is impossible to change the political rule of game without fitting the political context and political elites interests
Conflict amid consensus : a study of memberselectronic voting behavior in the Korean national assembly
νμλ
Όλ¬Έ(λ°μ¬)--μμΈλνκ΅ λνμ :μ μΉνκ³Ό,2005.Docto
The Dynamics of the Confirmation Process on Top Executive Branch Nominees
μ΄ μ°κ΅¬λ λν΅λ Ήμ΄ μ§λͺ
ν κ³ μκ³΅μ§ ν보μμ λν κ΅νμ μλͺ
λμλ₯Ό κ²°μ μ§λ μμΈμ΄ 무μμΈμ§λ₯Ό λΆμνλ κ²μ λͺ©μ μΌλ‘ νλ€. κ΅νμ μλͺ
λμμ μν₯μ λ―ΈμΉ κ²μΌλ‘ μ±νν λ
립λ³μλ€μ ν¬κ² ν보μ νΉμ±λ³μμ μ μΉμ νκ²½λ³μ λ κ°μ§λ‘ ꡬλΆνμλ€. μ’
μλ³μμΈ κ΅νμ λμμ¬λΆλ κ΅λ¬΄μ΄λ¦¬μ κ²½μ° κ΅νμ μΈμ€ν¬νκ²°κ³Ό, λλ¨Έμ§ λμμ κ²½μ° κ΅ν μΈμ¬μ²λ¬Έκ²½κ³Όλ³΄κ³ μ μ±νμ¬λΆλ₯Ό ν΅ν΄μ νλ¨νμλ€. λΆμκ²°κ³Ό κ΅νμ κ³ μ곡μ§μμ λν λμμ¬λΆμ μν₯μ λ―ΈμΉλ κ²μΌλ‘ κ²μ¦λ λ³μλ ν보μ μ€λ¦¬μ λ¬Έμ μ λ΄λΆμΉμ§μ¬λΆ, μμμ₯μ μμμ λΉκ³Ό κ΅νμ μλ΄κ°λ± μμ€ λ±μ΄λ€. μ΄μ κ°μ λΆμκ²°κ³Όλ 곡μ§ν보μμ λν κ΅νμ μΈμ¬μ²λ¬Έκ³Όμ μ΄ μ νμ μΈ μ°¨μμμ μ΄μλκ³ μμΌλ©°, μ λΉλ립μ μλ΄κ°λ± ꡬ쑰λ‘λΆν° μλΉν μν₯μ λ°κ³ μμμ μλ―Ένλ κ²μ΄λ€. λ¬Όλ‘ κ³΅μ§ν보μμ λλμ±κ³Ό μ λ¬Έμ±μ΄ κ΅νμ μλͺ
λμμ μν₯λ ₯μ λ―ΈμΉκ³ μλ κ²μΌλ‘ λ°νμ§ κ²μ λ°λμ§νμ§λ§, μ¬μ ν μλ΄μ λΉκ° λ립과 κ°λ±μ΄λΌλ μ μΉμ νκ²½μ΄ μΈμ¬μ²λ¬Έ κ²°κ³Όμ μλΉν μν₯μ λ―ΈμΉκ³ μλ€λ μ μ μΈμ¬μ²λ¬Έμ λμ μ±κ³΅μ μΈ μ΄μμ μν΄μ 극볡ν΄μΌ ν νκ³λΌκ³ ν μ μλ€. The purpose of this study is to empirically analyze what factors lead the National Assembly to confirm top executive branch appointees who have been nominated by the president. The independent variables supposed to have impacts on the confirmation by the National Assembly are categorized into two groups: appointee-specific and political environment variables. The dependent variable, whether or not the National Assembly confirms nominees, is measured by the results of confirmation votes for the prime minister and adoption of a committee report (on confirmation hearing) for the rest of top executive branches. The results show that four independent variables have statistically significant impact on the dependent variable: appointees ethical problems, his/her career in the relative executive branch, the party with which the chair of the confirmation hearing committee is identified, and the level of partisan conflict within the National Assembly. From these results, we can draw following two implications. First, the current institution of the confirmation hearing is more or less successful in sifting the rascals out, given that appointees ethical problems and expertise have a significant influence on the confirmation by the National Assembly. Second, however, the confirmation process is often inflicted by terrible partisan conflicts in the National Assembly, which should be overcome in order to have a better confirmation hearing process
νκ΅ κ΅ν μ΄μμ μ λνμ λν μ°κ΅¬
νμλ
Όλ¬Έ(μμ¬)--μμΈλνκ΅ λνμ :μ μΉνκ³Ό,1996.Maste
Speakers Discharging Power in the National Assembly of Korea: Its Fuctions and Political Implication
μ΄ μ°κ΅¬λ μ΅κ·Ό λ€μ΄ κ΅νμμ μμ λ²μμ μ²λ¦¬κ³Όμ μμ μ€μν κΈ°λ₯μ νκ³ μλ κ΅νμμ₯ μ§κΆμμ κΆνμ μ£Όλͺ©νμ¬οΌ μ§κΆμμ κΆνμ΄ κ°μ
λλ μ μΉμ νκ²½κ³Ό κ·Έ μ΄μ κ³Όμ μ λΆμνλ κ²μ λͺ©μ μΌλ‘ νλ€. μ΄ μ°κ΅¬μ λΆμκ²°κ³Όμ μ μΉμ ν¨μλ λ€μκ³Ό κ°λ€. μ²«μ§ΈοΌ μ§κΆμμ μ ν΅ν λ²μμ²λ¦¬λ μ§κΆλΉμ΄ μν λ€μλΉμ μ°¨μ§ν λ¨μ μ λΆμ μ μΉ νκ²½μ μ§μ€λμμΌλ©°οΌ λ²μλ΄μ©μ λν΅λ Ήμ΄ μ£Όλν μ
λ²μμ μΈ κ²½μ°κ° λλΆλΆμ΄μλ€οΌ λμ§ΈοΌ κ΅νμμ₯μ΄ μ§κΆμμ κΆνμ νμ¬νλ λκΈ°λ μ 체μνμ λΉ μ Έ μλ μκ΄μμνμ λ²μμ¬μ¬λ λ²μ¬μμ μ²΄κ³ μꡬμ¬μ¬λ₯Ό λ
λ €νκΈ° μν΄μκ° μλλΌοΌ μΌλΉμ΄ λ°λνλ μ§κΆμ¬λΉμ μ μ±
μμ λ₯Ό μ μνκ² μ²λ¦¬νκΈ° μν κ²μ΄μλ€. μ
μ§ΈοΌ μμ λ²μμ μ§κΆμμ μ²λ¦¬κ° λ°λ³΅λλ κ²μ κ΅νκ° μ
λ²κ°λ±μ νμ΄λκ° μ μλ ν©μλ μ μ°¨μ κ·λ²μ κ°κ³ μμ§ λͺ»νλ€λ μ μ λνλΈλ€. λ§μ§λ§μΌλ‘ μ§κΆμμ κΆνμ΄ μ
λ²κ΅μΉμ νκ°μ μμ λ²μμ μ²λ¦¬μ μ€μν μν μ νμ§λ§οΌ λ λ€λ₯Έ μ¬μΌ κ° μΆ©λκ³Ό νκ΅μ κ΅μ°©μνλ₯Ό μ΄λνλ€λ μ μμ μ§κΆμμ§μ λμ νμ§λ₯Ό μ¬κ°νκ² κ²ν ν νμκ° μλ€.
This research focuses on the special power of Speaker to bring the bill to the floor that has not been reported from the committee (discharging power), and analyses the political context the Speaker exercises such power and political implication of it. The findings are as follows. First, unified party control of the government is the favorable political environment for the Speaker to exercise the discharging power. Second, most of the bills discharged from the committee are the President's political agenda, so the Speaker's purpose to use the power is to legislate majority party's agenda quickly, not to encourage the committee to consider the bill. Third, frequent use of Speaker's discharging power to break through the legislative gridlock shows that the National Assembly lack the means to cope with and overcome the legislative gridlock. Judging from the fact that legislation through the discharging process causes another confrontation among the political parties, it is necessary to consider abolition of this power