한국의 1970년대 새마을운동을 통한 경제성장 분석

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 경제학부, 2012. 8. 이지순.This paper discusses the meanings of Saemaul Movement in 1970s as an economic growth and development model and analyzes the effect of Saemaul Movement as a key factor of rapid growth in South Korea. Many factors are embedded in Saemaul Movement but especially the Three Spirits, Self-help, Diligence, Cooperation, are key elements to make the Movement successful. I assumed these spirits as social capital and analyzed how sustainable support from the government could affect to increase the social capitals. I find out that as the portion of government support increases, social capitals are accumulated more and this makes economic growth rate to boost up. It suggests that there are limitations to economic growth just for the physical capital accumulation but with the social capital, one country can get the full benefit of economic growth. This paper proved Saemaul Movement can be applied to other developing countries as an economic growth model.Table of Contents 1 Introduction-------------------------------------------------------------4 1.1 Purpose of the Paper------------------------------------------------6 2 Literature Review------------------------------------------------------8 3 Saemaul Movement : 1970-1979-----------------------------------13 3.1 What is Saemaul Movement?------------------------------------13 3.2 What are the Key Factores of Saemaul Movement?----------18 3.2.1 Village as the Strategic Unit of Community Action----18 3.2.2 Integrated Rural Development Program-----------------19 3.2.3 Catalytic and Effective Support---------------------------20 3.2.4 Incentive System and Competition-----------------------22 4 Modeling Saemaul Movement--------------------------------------23 4.1 Saemaul Movement Model---------------------------------------23 4.1.1 Model Setup-------------------------------------------------23 4.1.2 Analysis of the Result--------------------------------------34 5 Conclusion--------------------------------------------------------------36 6 References--------------------------------------------------------------38 7 Appendix---------------------------------------------------------------41Maste

(The) laterality of psychogenic somatic symptoms

의학과/석사[한글] 본 연구의 목적은 ①심인성 신체화 증상의 호소가 좌측 흑은 우측에 편재되는지, ②사회인구학적 변수가 심인성 신체화 증상의 자우 편재에 영향을 미치는지, ③좌우 편재에 따라 환자의 진단이나 불안 흑은 우울 정도에 차이가 있는지를 연구하는 것이다. 연세대학교 의과대학 부속 세브란스병원 정신과에 내원한 신경증적 장애를 가진 외래환자 및 입원환자 61명을 대상으로 심인성 신체화 중상을 호소하는 경우에 환자의 주된 호소 증상의 좌우 편재 여부를 조사하고, 정신상태를 검사하였으며, 환자의 사회인구학적 자료를 수집하였다. 환자들 중 왼손잡이와 기질적 요인이 있는 경우는 대상에서 제외토록하였다. 진단은 정신과 의사 2인 이상이 면담을 통해서 DSM-Ⅲ-R진단 기준에 근거하여 내렸다. Hamilton우울척도와 Hamilton불안척도를 사용하여 불안 및 우을 척도를 측정하였다. 연구 결과, ①환자의 주된 호소 증상이 자측인 경우가 62.3%였다. 우측인 경우가 19.7%였으며, 양측에 호소한 경우가 18%로서 자측에 통계적으로 유의하게 많았다. 또한, 판자들이 호소한 주 증상은 두통(44.3%), 두통 이외의 통증(21.3%),감각이상(18%) 순으로 많 았으며, 두통과 두통이외의 통증은 통계적으로 유의하게 좌측에 많았다. ②좌측군, 우측군, 양측군으로 나누었을 때 사회인구학적 변수에 차이는 없었다. ③환자의 진단은 주요 우울증(49.2%), 신체화 장애(27.9%),공황 장애(18%), 범불안 장애(4.9%) 순이었으며, 신 체 증상의 좌우편재에 따른 차이는 얼었다. 또한 우울이나 불안 척도 점수를 비교한 결과 유의하지는 않았으나 신체 증상의 좌측 편재 때 다소 높았다. 이상의 결과는 대뇌의 우반구가 감정장애와 관련이 된다는 것을 시사한다. [영문] The sixty-one neurotic patients were interviewed to examine the kind of the chief somatic complaints, their laterality in the body, their diagnosis and the severity of anxiety and depression. The diagnostic chiteria used was DSM-Ⅲ-R. The severity of depression and anxiety was assessed with Hamilton's depression scale and Hamilton's anxiety scale , respectively. The demographic data of the subjects were also collected. The results are as follows; 1. The chief psychogenic somatic symptoms that were complained of by patients were significantly more on the left side than on the right side(Left:Right:Both = 62.3%: 19.7%: 18.0%). Headache was most common somatic symptoms, and headache and other pains were significantly more on the left . 2. The demographic data did not make a di florence between the left andright-s iced groups. 3. The diagnosis did not make a difference between the left and right-sided groups. The score of anxiety or depression were higher in the left-sided group than the right-sided group, but not ststistically significant These results suggest that the right hemisphere is more related with emotional disorders.restrictio

지시체 불가투시성과 Putnam 의 실재론 논박

H.Field를 비롯한 최근의 물리주의자들(Physicalists)은 Tarski식의 진리 정의(Tarski style definition of truth)에 대해서 불만을 표시한다. 그 요점은 진리술어를 정의하는 과정에서 Taski가 지시(reference)내지 충족(satisfaction)개념에 대해서는 그 사례들을 열거하는 것으로 만족하고 있는데, 이것이 임시 방편일 뿐 "참된 환원"(real reduction)이 되지 못한다는 것이다. Putnam은 물리주의자들의 이런 입장에 대한 반발로써 다시금 지시론의 문제를 다루게 되는데, 여기서 그가 내리는 결론은 단어의 지시체가 미확정적(underdetermined)이고 나아가서 불확정적(indeterminate)이라는 것이다. 우리는 번역 즉 상대적 해석(relative interpretation)의 문제를 다루면서 Quine이 한 주장 가운데 일부가 바로 이런 입장이라는 것을 알고 있다. 과거와 달리 Putnam은 Quine의 이런 입장을 옹호하고, 또 그 논거를 한층 더 선명하게 드러내고 있는 것이다

마이크로 방전 밀링을 이용한 미세 구조물 제작

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :기계항공공학부,2004.Maste

토끼의 경골에 식립된 양극산화 임플란트의 반복하중에 대한 골반응

Thesis(master`s)--서울대학교 대학원 :치의학과 치과보철학전공,2005.Maste

새마을운동 연구: 경제성장론적 관점에서

학위논문 (박사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 경제학부, 2015. 2. 이지순.The purpose of this thesis is to gain an understanding of the earlier phase of the Saemaul Movement practiced in the 1970s in South Korea. We can get a better understanding of the Movement, when we view it from the perspectives of economic growth models. Studying the Saemaul Movement, in turn, can provide us with new perspectives on the mechanisms of economic growth and development. Literatures on the Saemaul Movement are abound. However, most of them are plain descriptions of the Movement. As such scientific analyses are very scanty. It is somewhat surprising that there have been no systematic investigations of the Saemaul Movement by the main stream economists. As increasingly more people, especially the practitioners from the emerging economies, show interests in the Saemaul Movement, the situation is about to change. Already there have appeared numerous studies praising the success of the Saemaul Movement. None of them, however, provide coherent frameworks with which we can understand why and how the Saemaul Movement had succeeded in the 1970s. Or, why it fell into disgrace when the Saemaul Movement was turned into a means of political campaign in the 1980s. When the Saemaul Movement was first initiated in the early 1970s, the rural villages of South Korea were in dire conditions. Lack of gainful employments, very low productivity, low income, increasingly more villagers (in particular the young ones) fleeing to the urban sectors, extremely backward living conditions, and the lack of able leaders had all made the rural villagers dispirited and impotent. There seemed to be no hope for progresses. This was what the government wanted to change. How? Naturally, South Korean government wanted to put more resources into the rural villagers. In doing so the government could have adopted the so-called 1/N principle: allocating the resources equally among all villages and villagers. This road the government did not take, however. Rather it went into the opposite. The government made it clear from the beginning that it would give more resources to the villages which achieved better outcomes by mobilizing more efforts from their constituents. The government had also announced that it would reward those who succeeded and to penalize those who failed. This principle was something entirely new to the villagers. They were accustomed to the practices of government doling out assistances to those who were in need. It is true that, in villages where the Saemaul Movement was successful, roads were markedly improved, thatched roofs were replaced with tiles and concrete slabs, wood burning cooking pits were replaced with coal/oil burning ones, sanitary facilities were modernized, and village halls were erected. They were, however, only the superficial aspects of the Saemaul Movement. More fundamental and meaningful were intangible aspects of the Saemaul Movement. My investigation suggests that the following three elements were crucial: 1) the introduction of healthy rivalry and competition among villages, 2) the allotments of government provided resources based on actual performances, and 3) the transformation of the mindsets of the villagers. The idea that a village could compete to achieve better results than others was absent among the traditional villages. For them peaceful coexistence, even though it means stagnation, was more important. Thus when the government introduced the rural economy revitalization program, villagers expected that the government would distribute resources evenly among villages or distribute based on needs. However, the government informed them that although the initial allotment would be needs based, from the second year on she would allocate resources based on the following three criterion: 1) previous years performances, 2) contribution rates of villagers in terms of efforts, funds, lands, and other resources, and 3) the extent of cooperation among villagers. South Korean government grouped some 35,000 rural villages into three levels based on the previous years performances: Self-reliant, Self-help, and Under-developed. The self-reliant villages were rewarded, while the under-developed ones were ignored. This had made the top level villages strive for even better results. More importantly it had brought the bottom ones into the competition league, too. In addition to this, the government had tried very hard to instill new spirits to the villagers. The new spirits were self-help, diligence, and cooperation, which are known as Saemaul Spirits. For this the government gave bigger rewards to those villages that had achieved better outcomes through villagers cooperative efforts using more of their own resources and relying less on outside help. Clearly, the government recognized the importance of the people. It knew that unless people changed, change would not occur, and the best way of changing peoples attitudes was to promote competition and cooperation. The crucial roles of people as change agents were clearly manifested in the Saemaul Leadership program that the government introduced from the beginning. Thus numerous Saemaul Movement camps were opened up and equally numerous men and women from the villages were groomed as Saemaul Leaders. To them not only the relevant knowledge, information, and technologies were provided, but the essential spirits of the Movement were also transplanted. The latter was achieved through practices of competition and cooperation among the leaders who were housed in the training camps. Another essential component was the transmission of information and knowledge. Both success and failure stories were told and retold by those who were directly involved in the stories. This way the leaders from the other villagers could also learn how to achieve success and avoid failure. Can the modern economic growth theories shed some lights on the Saemaul Movement? The first step in answering this question is to find out whether the Saemaul Movement was successful in a meaningful sense. This I check by measuring the total factor productivities (TFP) of the rural villages applying the growth accounting method. I show that indeed the growth of TFP in the agricultural sector was higher than the manufacturing sector during the early phase of the Saemaul Movement. Why might TFP have grown faster with the initiation of the Saemaul Movement? To understand this issue, I extend a key model of endogenous growth: Lucas (1988) model of human capital driven growth. The extended model shows that the Saemaul Movement has succeeded because it had fostered the growth of the relevant human capital, in this case the Saemaul Spirits or social capital. The model especially focuses on the presence of positive externality or spillover effect of social capital. As expected, when the economic agents, here the villages, take the positive externality into account, they would exert more efforts to accumulate social capital. The enhanced efforts would in turn raise the economic growth rate. But how would a government induce the villages to internalize the external effects? When markets are not developed well, it may be infeasible for the government to rely on tax/subsidy policy. The usual alternative to this is to use compulsion: A government can order people to take socially optimal behavior. However, the South Korean government did not take this option. Rather she entered into a partnership with each village and directly supported the latters efforts to accumulate village social capital. What was crucial was that the support was given in proportion to a villages efforts and performances. This led villages to strengthen their efforts to accumulate their social capital. They behaved as if they internalized the external effects. What might one learn from the Saemaul Movement that are relevant for growth theories? Modern growth theories, for that matter modern economics, take the existence of the relevant markets and institutions for granted. Thus they tend to claim that when people work hard, maintain thrifty life style, and save more, invest the saved resources wisely for future in the form of human capital, physical capital, social capital, and technology, then economic growth would ensue in time. Is the reality like this? I suppose not. In reality in many emerging economies, there are neither markets and institutions nor norms and rules. Hence merely advising them to work hard, save more, and invest wisely will not go that far. It would be more so when the people are deeply demoralized from the lack of meaningful progresses. For them it is essential that someone demonstrates that things actually work. This the South Korean government did with the Saemaul Movement. It demonstrated to the dispirited villagers that things could get better when they worked diligently and worked together. By giving larger rewards in proportion to the degree of success through own efforts and the level of cooperation among villagers, the Saemaul Movement successfully established relevant markets, institutions, and mechanisms. Are their cases other than South Korean Saemaul Movement where the so-called Saemaul spirits may work? In order to answer this question, I investigate three cases of history. One is to compare the Philippines development records of 1970s with that of South Korea. Here one may conclude that the lack of development in 1970s Philippines was partly because the philosophies behind her economic policies were very far from the Saemaul spirits. Neither they promoted competition, nor they rewarded successes and penalized failures. Rather they were hostages of the crony capitalism. The second is to investigate whether the Israels Kibbutz Movement is similar to the Saemaul Movement. The Kibbutz Movement had also emphasized the importance of cooperation, but it critically lacked the spirits of competition and rivalry. The 1/N principle was very strong in the Kibbutz Movement and as a consequence, the movement has long stopped to progress any further. The third is the case of performances of the several publically funded medical centers. Here I find that those public medical centers that were subject to performance based reward system indeed out-performed those medical centers that were treated with the 1/N principle. Is there another area that we might apply the lessons of the Saemaul Movement? In principle, there must be unlimited cases that we might apply the principles. That the reward-penalty incentive scheme brings out better outcomes than the equal treatment incentive scheme appears to be so fundamental that all human behaviors are subject to it. But the actualities are very far from this. The equal treatment principle appears to be very powerfully ingrained in our brains. Furthermore, frequently we profess that we should reward those who fail, that is, we should help those who fail. Perhaps it is not fruitful to debate which principle is better. Yet, we may think about how we might apply the principles of the Saemaul Movement to South Koreas overseas aid programs. This is especially so as more and more people from the emerging countries want to learn the Saemaul Movement and transplant the same in their own countries. Hence I also look into this issue. By reviewing the current overseas aid status and adjusting grant aid and concessional loans, we may seek the most efficient way of transplanting Saemaul Movement principles. This paper concludes that the Saemaul Movement was not just one political showcase happened in 1970s of South Korea, but one successful economic strategy which can be applied in other under-developed countries economic framework. Transferring academically established Saemaul Movement principles must be the first step to take if we want to diffuse the lessons of the Saemaul Movement.1 Introduction -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1 1.1 Motivation ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 1 1.2 Background ----------------------------------------------------------------------- 3 1.3 Organization of the Paper ------------------------------------------------------ 12 2 An Overview of the Saemaul Movement in the 1970s ---------------------- 14 2.1 How the Saemaul Movement got Started ------------------------------------ 14 2.2 Essential Features of the Saemaul Movement ------------------------------ 19 2.2.1 Rural Villages were the Main Actors ---------------------------------- 19 2.2.2 How the Government led and assisted the Saemaul Movement --- 22 2.2.3 What the Government intended to Achieve through the Saemaul Movement ----------------------------------------------------- 40 2.3 Transformation of the Rural Villages in the 1970s ------------------------- 46 2.3.1 How the Rural Villages Changed -------------------------------------- 46 2.3.2 Were these Thanks to the Saemaul Movement? ---------------------- 53 2.4 How should we take the Criticisms against the Saemaul Movement ---- 63 2.4.1 A Brief Introduction to Criticisms raised so far ---------------------- 63 2.4.2 Comments on the Criticisms -------------------------------------------- 63 2.5 Understanding the Saemaul Movement from Economic Perspectives --- 66 2.5.1 Principles of Resource Allocation and the Saemaul Movement --- 66 2.5.2 Economic Growth & Development and the Saemaul Movement -- 67 2.5.3 Institution Creation and the Saemaul Movement -------------------- 72 2.5.4 Even a Good Institution may quickly turn Bad: The Saemaul Movement in the 1980s ------------------------------------------------- 74 3 An Economic Growth Model of the Saemaul Movement ------------------ 77 3.1 Setup of the Model ------------------------------------------------------------- 79 3.2 Solution of the Model ---------------------------------------------------------- 81 3.2.1 Decentralized Choices --------------------------------------------------- 81 3.2.2 Socially Desirable Choices --------------------------------------------- 88 3.2.3 A Comparison of the Two Sets of Solutions -------------------------- 90 3.3 How to Align the Decentralized Solutions with those of Social Choices ------------------------------------------------------------------ 92 3.3.1 The Conventional Approach: Tax and/or Subsidy ------------------- 92 3.3.2 Direct Involvement of Government in the Social Capital Accumulation Process -------------------------------------------------- 93 3.4 Implications of the Theoretical Investigation for an Economics of the Saemaul Movement ------------------------------------------------------------ 98 3.4.1 Implications --------------------------------------------------------------- 98 3.4.2 Saemaul Economics? ---------------------------------------------------- 99 4 Economic Principles of the Saemaul Movement as applied to Several Real Cases --------------------------------------------------------------- 101 4.1 Remarks on the Applicability of the Saemaul Movement Principles --- 101 4.2 Philippines vs. South Korea in the 1960s and 1970s ---------------------- 102 4.3 Kibbutz Movement in Israel ------------------------------------------------- 108 4.4 Publics Medical Centers in South Korea ----------------------------------- 111 4.5 Economic Principles of the Saemaul Movement as applied to South Koreas ODA Activities ----------------------------------------------- 114 4.5.1 An Overview of South Koreas ODA -------------------------------- 115 4.5.2 The Application of Economic Principles of the Saemaul Movement will Improve the Outcomes of ODA ------------------- 118 4.5.3 Overseas Transfer of the Saemaul Movement ---------------------- 120 5 Concluding Remarks ------------------------------------------------------------ 127 6 References ------------------------------------------------------------------------- 133 7 Appendix --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 142Docto