Hobbes in Hollywood: Crime and Its Outcomes in the Natural State

This content analysis introduces a genre of film that paralleled the rise of conservatism in the United States (1979–1996). Based on the words of Hobbes, the films are perceived to represent the world in its natural state, absent the proper social and law enforcement authorities within existing civilized society. Prior literature on this topic and subject are examined, as are the real measures of criminal justice system breadth over this period, including crime, victimization, arrests, imprisonments, police staffing data, and information on dollars spent. The results of the content analysis reveal the cold, harsh, brutal, nasty, and short world of Hobbes, with murder the main method of conflict resolution and with police, courts, and prison systems noticeably absent. The crimes visualized in this sample are compared to the reality; the differences are as stark as the images of a Hobbesian world and leave the viewer thankful for the systems we do have after seeing what life would be like without them

The Politics of \u27Giving Back\u27 and its Effects on the Autonomy of Women after Sex Trafficking

In the field of humanitarian service, advocates have the intentions of speaking on behalf of those they represent. Many activists and organizations seek to ‘give back’ to those in need of food, shelter and social services. But, does ‘giving back’ really help? This essay explores the politics and hierarchies of humanitarian aid to discover if independence and agency for aid recipients can be achieved. On the path to independence, what are the obstacles that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and activists create for the underprivileged? Are there effective frameworks and methods for advocate organizations to approach the underprivileged? Authors such as Columbia University professor Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak questions whether any agency can be achieved while Bengali activists such as Samarajit Jana, Nandinnee Bandyapadhyay, Mrinal Kanti Dutta and Amitrajit Saha argue that agency is attainable by providing tools for the underprivileged to empower themselves. Using my own observations from working at All Bengal Women\u27s Union in Kolkata, India, I review and analyze the attempts of this organization to empower women and girls to determine whether the underprivileged can speak. My work in the All Bengal Women’s Union in Kolkata in Spring 2008 allowed me to spend personal time with young women who were sexually exploited. The women I met left such an indelible impression on me that I brought their voices and causes back with me. Every day I saw the pain of these girls, struggling to overcome their violent past. And every day, I saw their endless ability to continue to dance, to smile, and to love. Our sisterhood pushed me to promote awareness of sex trafficking and to identify the best methods of rehabilitation that value their voice. After reviewing previous literature and theory discussing if the underprivileged have a voice, I began my participant observation and field research at All Bengal Women Union during the months of January to April in 2008. Using my ethnographic data, I examine the programs and initiatives put forth by All Bengal Women’s Union as well as reviewing material published by the NGO. The approach of analyzing the organization’s efforts is significant; the concern is not the intentions and mission of the organization, but the process and outcomes it has on the women. Instead of looking at the organization as a whole, my approach is to view it’s effectiveness from the perspective of the female clients. This essay concludes there are good and bad approaches towards the path of victim empowerment, but ability of voice and agency can only be determined by the underprivileged. While a structure like All Bengal Women’s Union posses the ability to oppress its constituents, critically analyzing approaches and methods in dialogues with its privileged and underprivileged members can lead to more effective strategies. In order for women and girls after trafficking to have a voice in society, critical and opposition structures like All Bengal Women’s Union must exist to serve a space to achieve agency, a space where they can demand their choice. It is best to be critical of one\u27s intentions of \u27helping\u27 the subaltern, and to listen more often – perhaps the subaltern are speaking but we are not listening

Predicting Voting Likelihood in a Sample of Indiana University Northwest Students

The Indiana Civic Health Index (INCHI) recently reported some noteworthy statistics regarding voting turnout, civic engagement, social connectedness, and volunteerism in the Hoosier state. Using survey results of 300 students registered to vote at Indiana University Northwest conducted by a SPEA graduate statistics class, the present study compares the INCHI results to those at Indiana University Northwest. Then, applying a social capital framework, voting likelihood is predicted based upon civic engagement, social connectedness, and volunteerism, holding demographics constant. The results reveal a higher than average voting turnout in 2008 and 2010, higher levels of civic engagement, volunteerism, and social connectedness to strong bonds yet also finds students being less likely to eat dinner frequently with family and/or friends and having weak social ties with neighbors. Logistic regression reveals only one factor—discussing politics daily—to be a significant predictor of voting likelihood in both the 2008 and 2010 elections, while belonging to 4 types of civic groups significantly predicted voting in 2010. These results are consistent with previous research that questions the link between measures of civic engagement and voting likelihood. This work concludes by discussing improving the weak ties of students and increasing the frequency with which politics is discussed within the campus community

The Influence of New Governance Policy on Correctional Management and Policy: The Indiana Example

Correctional management and policy decisions throughout the nation have been greatly influenced by the new governance of public administration philosophy, and Indiana provides a practical example of this rapid expansion that has gone largely unnoticed in the criminal justice literature. Using state budget data and contractual artifacts from the Indiana Department of Corrections and Department of Administration, this research details the levels of privatization through contracting and private management in the Indiana system. This analysis suggests specific attention of correctional policy makers to the size of private markets, accountability networks, market expansion of private providers, and equity issues that arise when inmates are used in the production of private goods and/or services