11 research outputs found
Une nouvelle gĂ©nĂ©ration fĂ©ministe au sein de lâislam traditionaliste : Une exception indonĂ©sienne ?
Le militantisme en faveur du droit des femmes a plus dâun siĂšcle dâhistoire en IndonĂ©sie, mais la chute du PrĂ©sident Soeharto en 1998 a accĂ©lĂ©rĂ© la compĂ©tition entre deux courants, avec dâun cĂŽtĂ© les partisans dâune islamisation du droit et de lâautre ceux qui sây opposent fermement, un courant qui comprend notamment les fĂ©ministes islamiques issues du milieu de lâislam traditionaliste. Le discours islamiste touche les questions de moralitĂ©, du corps et du rĂŽle public de la femme indonĂ©sienne. Parmi les dĂ©bats rĂ©cents, symboles des enjeux politiques et idĂ©ologiques, nous analysons celui concernant la loi contre la pornographie rĂ©gulant la question de la dĂ©cence vestimentaire au niveau national, ainsi que la campagne en faveur de la polygamie, une pratique encore rĂ©cusĂ©e par la majoritĂ© des IndonĂ©siens. Soutenues par de jeunes oulĂ©mas libĂ©raux, les fĂ©ministes indonĂ©siennes ont crĂ©Ă© un contre-discours basĂ© sur de nouvelles interprĂ©tations coraniques, savamment argumentĂ©es. Leur Ă©ducation â elles sont souvent diplĂŽmĂ©es des universitĂ©s islamiques dâĂtat (UIN, IAIN) â, leur confĂšre la lĂ©gitimitĂ© nĂ©cessaire Ă ce travail dâinterprĂ©tation. DĂ©sormais, les femmes pieuses dĂ©fendent leur propre cause et non plus celle des hommes. Nous suggĂ©rons que cette exception fĂ©ministe islamique est due en partie Ă des conditions historiques particuliĂšres qui ont affaibli le mouvement fĂ©ministe sĂ©culariste, en particulier la rĂ©pression anticommuniste de 1965 et la perte de lĂ©gitimitĂ© progressive des musulmans javanais auparavant hindo-bouddhistes, taxĂ©s par les musulmans pieux dâabanganisme (mauvais musulmans) depuis le xixe siĂšcle. Cependant, ce fĂ©minisme islamique « traditionaliste » a rĂ©cemment provoquĂ© une offensive en retour des conservateurs, sans doute encouragĂ©s par le dĂ©cĂšs dâAbdurrahman Wahid, protecteur des libĂ©raux, le 30 dĂ©cembre 2009.Militantism in favor of womenâs rights is about one century old., but the fall of President Soeharto in 1998 has accelerated an intense competition between Muslim activists, divided between those in favor of Islamic Law, and those firmly opposed to it. This article discusses the challenges this development has created for Indonesian Muslim feminists, especially those belonging to the traditionalist organization of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Aiming at nation-wide introduction of the Shariâa law, Islamistsâ discourses target womenâs morality, bodies, and public positions. Symbols of these political and ideological battles are, among others, a recent law against pornography that regulates the interpretation of decency at a national level, and national campaigns promoting polygamy, a practice which the majority of Indonesian Muslims consider to be undesirable. To support their advocacy for womenâs basic human and religious rights, these Muslim feminists have created counter discourses based on vigorous Qurâan interpretations. Deeply rooted in Islamic knowledge and being connected to a wide network of Islamic education, they represent a unique, indigenous form of Islamic feminism defending their own cause, no longer that of the men. We argue that this pivotal role played in Indonesia by feminists of Traditionalist Islam is partly due to the low profile of secular feminists who have been intimidated by special historical circumstances, the suppression of the left in 1965 and the derogatory discourse concerning Muslims with Hindu-Buddhist background in Java, delegitimized as belonging to the âabanganâ category. However, this Muslim feminism has triggered a conservative reaction which seems to have grown in strength after the death December 30, 2009, of Abdurrahman Wahid, one of the most audacious supporters
A New Generation of Feminists at the Heart of Traditionalist Islam: Uniquely Indonesian Perhaps?
Militantism in favor of womenâs rights is about one century old., but the fall of President Soeharto in 1998 has accelerated an intense competition between Muslim activists, divided between those in favor of Islamic Law, and those firmly opposed to it. This article discusses the challenges this development has created for Indonesian Muslim feminists, especially those belonging to the traditionalist organization of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Aiming at nation-wide introduction of the Shariâa law, Islamistsâ discourses target womenâs morality, bodies, and public positions. Symbols of these political and ideological battles are, among others, a recent law against pornography that regulates the interpretation of decency at a national level, and national campaigns promoting polygamy, a practice which the majority of Indonesian Muslims consider to be undesirable. To support their advocacy for womenâs basic human and religious rights, these Muslim feminists have created counter discourses based on vigorous Qurâan interpretations. Deeply rooted in Islamic knowledge and being connected to a wide network of Islamic education, they represent a unique, indigenous form of Islamic feminism defending their own cause, no longer that of the men. We argue that this pivotal role played in Indonesia by feminists of Traditionalist Islam is partly due to the low profile of secular feminists who have been intimidated by special historical circumstances, the suppression of the left in 1965 and the derogatory discourse concerning Muslims with Hindu-Buddhist background in Java, delegitimized as belonging to the âabanganâ category. However, this Muslim feminism has triggered a conservative reaction which seems to have grown in strength after the death December 30, 2009, of Abdurrahman Wahid, one of the most audacious supporters
Purifying Indonesia, Purifying Women: The National Commission for Women's Rights and the 1965â1968 antiâCommunist violence
Internal Reformation Within the Contemporary Coptic Imagined Community: The Sunday School Movement and Mechanisms of Minority Survival
FĂ©minismes islamiques
  Au tournant du xxie siĂšcle, la notion de fĂ©minisme islamique, forgĂ©e Ă partir de la situation iranienne du dĂ©but des annĂ©es 1990, est en pleine transformation. Si le dĂ©bat politique et polĂ©mique mondialisĂ©, trop souvent ignorĂ©, que le mouvement intellectuel du fĂ©minisme islamique a suscitĂ© se fait toujours entendre, ce numĂ©ro porte le regard sur les mutations Ă lâĆuvre. Des changements qui invitent Ă se poser une question renouvelĂ©e du fĂ©minisme islamique, ou plutĂŽt aujourdâhui, des fĂ©minismes islamiques. Vingt ans aprĂšs, il convient en effet de se demander si le fĂ©minisme islamique, nĂ© comme un discours intellectuel et militant et diffusĂ© dâabord au sein du monde musulman non arabe, sâest au fil du temps incarnĂ© ou inventĂ© dans des pratiques et des mouvements sociaux. Les textes rĂ©unis ici abordent les enjeux de ces transformations Ă partir dâune diversitĂ© de contextes nationaux et rĂ©gionaux : du Proche-Orient (Liban, Palestine, Jordanie), Ă lâIran en passant par le Koweit, lâIndonĂ©sie, puis le Maghreb (Maroc, Tunisie) et la France. Ils envisagent tout particuliĂšrement le rĂŽle dâun lâislam politique, lui aussi en plein aggiornamento, dans cette nouvelle cartographie des fĂ©minismes islamiques. Lâapproche sociologique amorcĂ©e dans ces pages contribue Ă redessiner, voire Ă dĂ©passer parfois la notion mĂȘme de fĂ©minisme islamique. Elle montre un pragmatisme militant fĂ©minin hybride, diffĂ©remment politique, inscrit dans un paradigme post-idĂ©ologique. Elle dĂ©crit la subversion des assignations au sĂ©culier, puis au religieux des dĂ©cennies prĂ©cĂ©dentes et envisage autrement la troisiĂšme vague fĂ©ministe dans les mondes arabe et musulman