31 research outputs found

    The seeds of divergence: the economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

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    Generally, Canada has been ignored in the literature on the colonial origins of divergence with most of the attention going to the United States. Late nineteenth century estimates of income per capita show that Canada was relatively poorer than the United States and that within Canada, the French and Catholic population of Quebec was considerably poorer. Was this gap long standing? Some evidence has been advanced for earlier periods, but it is quite limited and not well-suited for comparison with other societies. This thesis aims to contribute both to Canadian economic history and to comparative work on inequality across nations during the early modern period. With the use of novel prices and wages from Quebec—which was then the largest settlement in Canada and under French rule—a price index, a series of real wages and a measurement of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are constructed. They are used to shed light both on the course of economic development until the French were defeated by the British in 1760 and on standards of living in that colony relative to the mother country, France, as well as the American colonies. The work is divided into three components. The first component relates to the construction of a price index. The absence of such an index has been a thorn in the side of Canadian historians as it has limited the ability of historians to obtain real values of wages, output and living standards. This index shows that prices did not follow any trend and remained at a stable level. However, there were episodes of wide swings—mostly due to wars and the monetary experiment of playing card money. The creation of this index lays the foundation of the next component. The second component constructs a standardized real wage series in the form of welfare ratios (a consumption basket divided by nominal wage rate multiplied by length of work year) to compare Canada with France, England and Colonial America. Two measures are derived. The first relies on a “bare bones” definition of consumption with a large share of land-intensive goods. This measure indicates that Canada was poorer than England and Colonial America and not appreciably richer than France. However, this measure overestimates the relative position of Canada to the Old World because of the strong presence of land-intensive goods. A second measure is created using a “respectable” definition of consumption in which the basket includes a larger share of manufactured goods and capital-intensive goods. This second basket better reflects differences in living standards since the abundance of land in Canada (and Colonial America) made it easy to achieve bare subsistence, but the scarcity of capital and skilled labor made the consumption of luxuries and manufactured goods (clothing, lighting, imported goods) highly expensive. With this measure, the advantage of New France over France evaporates and turns slightly negative. In comparison with Britain and Colonial America, the gap widens appreciably. This element is the most important for future research. By showing a reversal because of a shift to a different type of basket, it shows that Old World and New World comparisons are very sensitive to how we measure the cost of living. Furthermore, there are no sustained improvements in living standards over the period regardless of the measure used. Gaps in living standards observed later in the nineteenth century existed as far back as the seventeenth century. In a wider American perspective that includes the Spanish colonies, Canada fares better. The third component computes a new series for Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is to avoid problems associated with using real wages in the form of welfare ratios which assume a constant labor supply. This assumption is hard to defend in the case of Colonial Canada as there were many signs of increasing industriousness during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The GDP series suggest no long-run trend in living standards (from 1688 to circa 1765). The long peace era of 1713 to 1740 was marked by modest economic growth which offset a steady decline that had started in 1688, but by 1760 (as a result of constant warfare) living standards had sunk below their 1688 levels. These developments are accompanied by observations that suggest that other indicators of living standard declined. The flat-lining of incomes is accompanied by substantial increases in the amount of time worked, rising mortality and rising infant mortality. In addition, comparisons of incomes with the American colonies confirm the results obtained with wages— Canada was considerably poorer. At the end, a long conclusion is provides an exploratory discussion of why Canada would have diverged early on. In structural terms, it is argued that the French colony was plagued by the problem of a small population which prohibited the existence of scale effects. In combination with the fact that it was dispersed throughout the territory, the small population of New France limited the scope for specialization and economies of scale. However, this problem was in part created, and in part aggravated, by institutional factors like seigneurial tenure. The colonial origins of French America’s divergence from the rest of North America are thus partly institutional

    The Seeds of Divergence: The Economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

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    Evidence for distinct dehydrogenase and isomerase sites within a single 3β-hydroxysteroid dehydrogenase/5-ene-4-ene isomerase protein

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    Complementary DNA encoding human 3β-hydroxysteroid dehydrogenase/5-ene-4-ene isomerase (30-HSD) has been expressed in transfected GH4C1 with use of the cytomegalovirus promoter. The activity of the expressed protein clearly shows that both dehydrogenase and isomerase enzymatic activities are present within a single protein. However, such findings do not indicate whether the two activities reside within one or two closely related catalytic sites. With use of [3H]-5-androstenedione, the intermediate compound in dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA) transformation into 4-androstenedione by 3β-HSD, the present study shows that 4MA (N,N-diethyl-4-rnethyl-3-oxo-4-aza-5α-androstane-17β-carboxamide) and its analogues inhibit DHEA oxidation competitively while they exert a noncompetitive inhibition of the isomerization of 5-androstenedione to 4-androstenedione with an approximately 1000-fold higher Ki value. The present results thus strongly suggest that dehydrogenase and isomerase activities are present at separate sites on the 3β-HSD protein. In addition, using 5α-dihydrotestosterone (DHT) and 5α-androstane-3β,17β-diol as substrates for dehydrogenase activity only, we have found that dehydrogenase activity is reversibly and competitively inhibited by 4MA. Such data suggest that the irreversible step in the transformation of DHEA to 4-androstenedione is due to a separate site possessing isomerase activity that converts the 5-ene-3-keto to a much more stable 4-ene-3-keto configuration. © 1991 American Chemical Society.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishe

    Characterization of human 3β-hydroxysteroid dehydrogenase/Δ5-Δ4-isomerase gene and its expression in mammalian cells

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    Three β-hydroxysteroid dehydrogenase/Δ5-Δ4-isomerase (3β-HSD) catalyze the oxidative conversion of Δ5-3β-hydroxysteroids to the Δ4-3-keto configuration and is therefore essential for the biosynthesis of all classes of hormonal steroids, namely progesterone, glucocorticoids, mineralocorticoids, androgens, and estrogens. Using human 3β-HSD cDNA as probe, a human 3β-HSD gene was isolated from a λ-EMBL3 library of leucocyte genomic DNA. A fragment of 3β-HSD genomic DNA was also obtained by amplification of genomic DNA using the polymerase chain reaction. The 3β-HSD gene contains a 5′-untranslated exon of 53 base pairs (bp) and three successive translated exons of 232, 165, and 1218 bp, respectively, separated by introns of 129, 3883, and 2162 bp. The transcription start site is situated 267 nucleotides upstream from the ATG initiating codon. DNA sequence analysis of the 5′-flanking region reveals the existence of a putative TATA box (ATAAA) situated 28 nucleotides upstream from the transcription start site while a putative CAAT binding sequence is located 57 nucleotides upstream from the TATA box. Expression of a cDNA insert containing the coding region of 3β-HSD in nonsteroidogenic cells shows that the gene encodes a single 42-kDa protein containing both 3β-hydroxysteroid dehydrogenase and Δ5-Δ4-isomerase activities. Moreover, all natural steroid substrates tested are transformed with comparable efficiency by the enzyme. In addition to its importance for studies of the regulation of expression of 3β-HSD in gonadal as well as peripheral tissues, knowledge of the structure of the human 3β-HSD gene should permit investigation of the molecular defects responsible for 3β-HSD deficiency, the second most common cause of adrenal hyperplasia in children.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishe
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