69 research outputs found

    Hope and Society

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    Hope is a subjective representation that is wanted as something desirable in the future. Hope can be categorized according to factors such as achievability and sociality. In a Japanese nationwide questionnaire of approximately 2,000 people in their 20s to 50s, conducted in 2006, about 80% of respondents said they had some type of hope and 60% said that they believed their hope was attainable. The largest number of respondents described hopes regarding work, far outnumbering those who suggested hopes regarding family, health or leisure. Hope that is considered attainable is strongly defined by three social factors. This makes it possible to explain why a loss of hope spread between the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s. First, hope is influenced by the degree of choices available, which depends on affluence. Analyses have shown that people who are elderly and perceive their remaining time as limited, and those who have been marginalized in education and/or employment and/or who have low income and/or poor health, are more likely to report an absence of hope. Social changes, such as the falling birthrate, increase in low income population or unemployment, worsening health conditions and stagnating school advancement rates, have led to a rise in the percentage of people who lack hope. Secondly, hope is influenced by interpersonal relations based on exchanges with others, such as family members and friends. Individuals who grew up in an environment where they experienced expectations and confidence from their family are more likely to report having hope. Individuals with an awareness of having many friends are more likely to have hope. Further, those who interact with friends outside of work colleagues and family members are more likely to have hope regarding their work. Thus, friends have a great deal to do with the generation of hope not only quantitatively but qualitatively as well. The spread of loneliness among the Japanese population as a whole, symbolized by unstable family relations, bullying, social reclusiveness, NEETs, and the solitary death of senior citizens, has accelerated the spread of a loss of hope. In addition to economic and sociologic factors, we must focus on the narrative structure of society, which is believed to be necessary for facing an uncertain future, as a 2 social facet of hope. Statistical analyses show that individuals who have experienced setbacks that forced them to modify their hopes, and who, with the background of having overcome such obstacles, do not hesitate to make apparently vain efforts, are more likely to have attainable hopes. If the society in story consists mainly of people who have had such experiences and or who have such characteristics, people are more likely to have hope. We also need to have foresight about the direction of society beyond simply acceleration and efficiency, while being expected to make strategic judgments to avoid failures and to use non-wasteful problem-solving thought. Social circumstances in which there is no shared new value in story to provide such foresight can also contribute to an expansion of the loss of hope.

    Does downsizing take a toll on retained staff? An analysis of increased working hours during recessions using Japanese micro data

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    Using official household micro data from the Labour Force Survey, this paper examines the increase in the working hours of regular male employees in Japan under recession from the late 1990s to the early 2000s. The most important findings of this paper are that working hours tended to be longer among male regular employees of firms in which (1) there was major employment adjustment, (2) substantial increase in proportion of non-regular workers, and (3) wide variance in regular wages. The results suggest that the existence of a large amount of fixed duties that are necessary to maintain internal organization and transition from the traditional employment system are the main factors that explain the increase in the working hours during the recession in Japan.

    GROSS JOB CREATION AND DESTRUCTION, AND LABOR MOBILITY IN JAPAN

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    This paper examines job gains and losses at establishment levels using micro-data in Japan from 1985 to 1992. Among total separations from establishments, about 14 percent of them was at least due to job destruction. By enterprise size, large firms with 10000r more employees frequently reallocated employment across establishments when jobs were destructed. Separations by job destruction were not observed in large firms. In small enterprises with 5-29 employees, about 30 percent of separations was generated by job destruction. About a half of gross job creation in total economy was generated within enterprises with less than 100 employees. Because of high gross job destruction as well as high gfoss job creation of smaU firms, however, there was no strong pattern of net job creation rates by enterprise size. The job destruction rate by death of fifms was low, and it might contribute to the low unemployment rate in Japan

    The Over-Skilled Japanese : Changes in Earnings Inquality in Japan

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    Bonus and Employment in Small Firms : Reconsideration of Share Economy

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    As one reason for the low unemployment rate after oil shocks in Japan, the structual differences in earnings by enterprise size are considered. During the 1970s and 1980s, Japanese small firms had relatively large labor demand. This is because the bonus payments in these flrms were more likely to be in form of profit sharing. Empirical tests show that in Japanese small manufacturing firms bonus payments had been determined differently from monthly wage payments, In particular, almost the half proportion of the bonus payment was the profit sharing segment there

    Skill Premiums and Japan\u27s Wage Structure in the 1980s

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    In the l980s the wage structure of Japan was quite stable relatively to the other developed countries. This paper examines changes in skill premiums attributable to tenure and other dimensions. Then three facts are found about Japan’s wage structure changes in the 1980s.    First, changes in returns to tenure contributed to moderating wage dispersion between and within groups distinguished by age, education level, and firm size. In the groups which expanded in number for a period of 1978-1990 they tended to lessen the tenure returns largely.    Secondly, changes in the distributions of tenure within groups have increased the age and firm size wage differentials and have decreased the college wage premium. It is notable that the age wage differential among high school graduates in particular has grown through these changes.     Thirdly, changes in returns to characteristics other than tenure have proved to be effective on increasing the education level and firm size wage differentials and on abating the age wage differential. Apart from tenure effects, the product demand shift hypothesis was consistent with the changes in the age and education level wage differentials during the l980s. Shifts in industry rents en且arged the firm size wage differential

    Longitudinal Analyses of Japanese Household Patterns and Labour Force Dynamics, 1991-2006

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