Final Words, Final Shots: Kurosawa, Bortko and the Conclusion of Dostoevsky???s Idiot

In their article "Final Words, Final Shots: Kurosawa, Bortko, and the Conclusion of Dostoevsky???s Idiot" Robert O. Efird and Saera Yoon discuss film adaptations of Dostoevsky???s novel. Both in his homeland and abroad, the major works of Fyodor Dostoevsky have largely made for disappointing film adaptations. This article examines the cultural diversity and aesthetic motivations underlying two very different adaptations of his novel Idiot, with particular attention to the concluding scenes. Both Akira Kurosawa and Vladimir Bortko follow the novelist's lead by hinting at some form of hope and future redemption amidst the tragedy but, for different reasons, they both fail to capture the rich ambiguity and creative ambivalence of Dostoevsky's final words. As the authors argue, the novelist's fluid dialogic aesthetic tends to disappear in visual adaptations, yet paradoxically thrives when released into new contexts less dependent on fidelity to his words. These two adaptations, despite their relative success, demonstrate the inherent difficulty of cinematizing the dynamics of Dostoevsky's art

Rising Anti-China Sentiment Supports South Korea's Alignment with the US

The US–South Korea summit in April 2023 showed South Korea's willingness to further align with the US amid increasing US-China tensions. Statistical analyses show that the increased anti-Chinese sentiment of recent years strongly correlates with public support for alignment with the US. These findings have implications regarding the popularity of the Yoon Suk Yeol administration's foreign policy. Polls such as Pew Global Attitudes data published in 2020 show that sentiment towards China has worsened since the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) incident of 2016 and COVID-19’s onset in 2020. Political orientation played a role in explaining varied attitudes towards China after the THAAD crisis; however, this role decreased after COVID-19's onset in early 2020. Analysis of a poll published by Sinophone Borderlands in 2022 shows there is a strong association between negative public attitudes towards China and increased alignment with the US. These trends affect the Yoon administration's foreign policy, which has signalled its further alignment with the US amid rising US-China tensions. In December 2022, South Korea announced a new Indo-Pacific strategy that marks a stronger alignment with the US. The emphasis is on a commitment to a rules-based international order, while not completely excluding China. Given the high levels of anti-Chinese sentiment, it is likely that the Yoon administration will experience increased public support for its foreign policy. As a liberal democracy that is increasingly signalling its desire to play a more active role in supporting a rules-based international order, South Korea offers a lot of room for collaboration with Germany and the EU. With its emphasis on "de-risking" relations with China on the rise, the EU can further benefit from collaboration with South Korea in the areas of trade, security, and technology

Cryptanalysis and improvement of a biometrics-based multi-server authentication with key agreement scheme

In 2010, Yoon et al. proposed a robust biometrics- based multi-server authentication with key agreement scheme for smart cards on elliptic curve cryptosystem. In this letter, however, we show that Yoon et al.’s scheme is vulnerable to off-line password guessing attack and propose an improved scheme to prevent the attack

Object oriented development of engineering software using CLIPS

Engineering applications involve numeric complexity and manipulations of a large amount of data. Traditionally, numeric computation has been the concern in developing an engineering software. As engineering application software became larger and more complex, management of resources such as data, rather than the numeric complexity, has become the major software design problem. Object oriented design and implementation methodologies can improve the reliability, flexibility, and maintainability of the resulting software; however, some tasks are better solved with the traditional procedural paradigm. The C Language Integrated Production System (CLIPS), with deffunction and defgeneric constructs, supports the procedural paradigm. The natural blending of object oriented and procedural paradigms has been cited as the reason for the popularity of the C++ language. The CLIPS Object Oriented Language's (COOL) object oriented features are more versatile than C++'s. A software design methodology based on object oriented and procedural approaches appropriate for engineering software, and to be implemented in CLIPS was outlined. A method for sensor placement for Space Station Freedom is being implemented in COOL as a sample problem

Concert of High School Composers' Works, February 26, 1983

This is the concert program of Concert of High School Composers' Works on Saturday, February 26, 1983 at 4:00 p.m., at the Concert Hall, 855 Commonwealth Avenue. Works performed were Ceremony by Roland Tec, We Satie Round by Adam Guettel, Something in 3/4 by Cynthia Spark, Quartet No. 2 by John Harnois, Suite in three movements by Emily Hewitt, Sonata by Matthew Collins, Three Songs of A. E. Housman by Michael Amory, String Quartet - Scherzo by Tallis Barker, Movement from a Trio by Anna Weesner, Prelude One (Appassionata) by Sean Jackson, and Chanson d'Elegance by S. Jackson. Digitization for Boston University Concert Programs was supported by the Boston University Humanities Library Endowed Fund

위안부 운동의 전개과정과 시민사회의 역할

학위논문(석사) -- 서울대학교대학원 : 국제대학원 국제학과(국제지역학전공), 2023. 2. 박철희.Despite mutual benefits of cooperation, historical animosity remains as the prime obstacle for further cooperation between Korea and Japan. Amongst many historical problems, the comfort women issue remains as the center of contention where it lingers as the prime obstacle to the bilateral relationship. What is so special about the comfort women issue that it persists so long? Why are people overly sensitive about the issue? And why is especially difficult to reconcile the comfort women issue? This research finds the answer to the peculiarity of the comfort women controversy in the unique development of the comfort women activism in Korea and Japan. It finds the role of civic organization as the determining factor for such peculiarity. The main argument of this research is as follows. In Korea, comfort women issue was discovered and developed not by the Korean government, but by a strong civil group, the Korean Council for Justice and Remembrance for the Issues of Military Sexual Slavery by Japan (hence the Korean Council). This phenomenon has led to an over-representation of the Korean Council and mis-representation of the Korean government. The nationalistic discourse of the Korean Council has led nationalism to be the dominant voice in Korea, making comfort women issue as the symbolic representation of national suffering, while their unique redressive acts have further limited the Korean governments capacity to negotiate as it went beyond the state parameter. In Japan, the Korean Council and their unique redressive acts, especially their attempts for internationalization of the issue not only failed to institutionalize apologetic discourse within Japanese society, but was actively used by the right-wing civil society as a symbolic representation of national humiliation and defamation, institutionalizing right-wing mobilization. Especially with changes in political environs and rise of conservativism, their voices grew stronger, and their own redressive acts further limited the Japanese governments capacity for negotiation. These factors will be systematically analyzed through the concept of Putnams two-level game to highlight how these domestic ratifications influence foreign policy outcome.한. 일 협력의 상호 이익에도 불구하고, 두 나라간 역사적 적대감은 더 깊은 협력을 막는 주요 장애물로 남아 있다. 많은 역사적 문제들 중, 위안부 문제는 특히 논쟁의 중심으로 남아 있다. 위안부 문제는 그 어떤 문제들보다 더 오래 지속되고 있고, 유독 더 민감하다. 본 연구는 이러한 위안부 문제의 특수성에 대한 해답을 한국과 일본 위안부 운동의 독특한 전개에서 찾고 시민단체의 역할을 결정요인으로 구분 짓는다. 본 연구의 주요 논점은 다음과 같다. 한국에서는 위안부 문제가 한국 정부가 아닌 강력한 시민 단체인 정대협에 의해 발견되고 발전되었다. 이 같은 현상은 정대협의 과잉대표와 한국 정부의 잘못된 대표성을 초래했다. 정대협의 민족주의적 담론은 민족주의를 한국사회의 지배적인 목소리로 이끌었고, 위안부 문제는 민족적 고통의 상징으로 대변되었다. 또한 그들의 다양한 행위 (redressive acts)는 한국 정부의 협상 능력을 저하시켰다. 일본에서는 위안부 문제의 국제화 시도가 일본 사회 내에서 사과 담론을 제도화하는데 실패했을 뿐만 아니라, 역설적으로 우익 시민사회로 인해 민족적 굴욕과 국가 명예훼손으로 인식되고 적극적으로 활용되었다. 우익의 동원, 특히 정치적 환경의 변화와 보수주의의 대두로 이들의 목소리는 더욱 거세 졌고 이러한 요소들이 일본 정부의 협상 능력을 제한하는 변수로 작동되었다. 본 연구는 이러한 요소들을 푸트남 (Putnam)의 양면 게임 이론 (two-level game)을 통해 체계적으로 분석하여 이러한 한일 양국간의 시민사회 역할이 외교정책 결과에 어떤 영향을 미치는지 조명하고자 한다. 즉 국내 외교의 원천이 국제 협상에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지 분석하고자 한다.Abstract Chapter I. Introduction 1. 1. Background 1. 2. Literature review 3. 3. Alternative Approach 6. 4. Theoretical Framework (Putnams Two-Level Game) 7. 4.1. Logic of Win-set 8. 4.2. Determinants of Win-set 9. 4.3 Win-sets in international negotiations 11. Chapter II. Initial Development of Comfort Women Issue 13. 1. Early Publicization 13. 2. From Sympathy to Empathy and the Korean Council 15. 3. Initial Response from Japan 17. 4. Summary 20. Chapter III. Diverging Perception on Comfort Women Issue 21. 1. Asian Womens Fund: divison between Korea and Japan 21. 2. Weakening of Leftist coalition in Japan 25. 3. Summary 26. Chapter IV. Right-wing resurgence in Japan 27. 1. Right-wing resurgence in Japan 27. 1.1 Textbook controversy as a trigger for right-wing mobilization 27. 1.2 Changing East-Asian Dynamics 29. 1.3 Rise of Abe and LDP: consolidation of right-wing mobilization 30. 2. Role of Media 33. 2.1 declining legitimacy of left-wing media 33. 2.2 increased legitimacy of right-wing media 34. 2.3 diversification of media outlet and its impact 35. 3. Summary 36. Chapter V. Strenghtening of Nationalistic discourse in Korea 37. 1. Over-representation of the Korean Council 37. 2. The Korean Councils Strong Ethnic-Nationalism 38. 2.1. Intersectionality of feminism and nationalism 38. 2.2. Nationalism as a superior voice 41. 2.3 Crux of Korean Councils Nationalism 42. 3. The Korean Councils redressive acts 44. 3.1 Wednessday Demonstration and Statue Politics 45. 3.2 Spatiality of the redressive site 46. 3.3 Civilian Participation 47. 3.4. Accentuation of Nationalistic Memory 48. 3.5. Collective memory of the redressive acts 50. 3.6. Internationalization of redressive acts 51. 4. Korean Councils Monopoly of Justice and Logic of Exclusion 52. 4.1 Exclusion of different victims 53. 4.2 Exclusion of different literatures 55. 5. Role of Media 58. 6. Summary 59. Chapter VI. Comfort Women as a representation of history wars 62. 1. Internationalization of comfort women issue 62. 1.1 Phase I. Rights Revolution and Intervention from UN 62. 1.2 Phase II. The US House of Representative Resolution 121 64. 1.3 Phase III. Statue politics and history war 65. 2. Right-wing redressive acts 67. 2.1 International counter-redressive acts 67. 2.2 Diversification of redressive acts 68. 3. Summary 70. Chapter VI. Comfort Women Deals Two-Level Game 72. 1. Factor I. Distribution of Power, perferences, and possible coalition 72. 1.1 Internationalist/isolationist (Homogeniety VS Heterogeneity) 72. 1.2 Politicization of the issue 74. 2. Factor II. The Political Institutions. 75. 2.1 State Strength and State Autonomy 75. 2.2 Weak state power and Involuntary Defect 79. 3. Factor III. Negotiatiors Strategy 81. 4.. Summary 85. Chapter VII. Conclusion 87 Chapter VIII. Biliography 90 국문초록 98석

일본 정부의 대한국 경제 제재의 배경 및 한일경제 상호의존에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구

학위논문 (석사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 국제대학원 국제학과(국제협력전공), 2020. 8. 박철희.Liberalists have long claimed that economic interdependence promotes interstate peace while its validity has been questioned by scholars of other schools. Korea-Japan relations before July 1, 2019 used to be a good case to endorse liberalists argument. Despite continuous diplomatic, historical and nationalistic antagonism, Korea and Japan have not been sacrificing their economic cooperation. However, Japanese government has taken an unconventional policy decision on July 1, 2019. Many observers evaluated that Korea-Japan relations have been the worst ever recently especially due to the Koreas Supreme Court ruling to order compensations for the wartime forced labour victims. This thesis aims to explain Japanese governments extraordinary behaviour using the concept of interdependence posed by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. Impacts of the economic sanctions and Koreas reaction to the sanctions are examined with three behavioural patterns of organisation members suggested by Albert Hirschman; Exit, Voice and Royalty. Analysis suggests that Japan has intended to disturb Vulnerability of Korea in the semiconductor industry in order to induce its compromise on the wartime forced labour issue. Due to Japans dominance in the semiconductor components market and Koreas dependence on Japanese materials, Japan itself presumed that it holds Sensitivity in the industry. However, detailed observation showed that the sanctions were not the best choice to seriously damage the Korean semiconductor and display industry. The sanctions were not imposed on items that are used for key products of Korean semiconductor industry. In addition, Japanese companies made their best efforts in order not to lose their Korean customers by establishing subsidiaries or factories or negotiating with Korean semiconductor manufacturers. As a result, the sanctions imposed back in July 2019 did not critically hit the Korean economy. The unintended results of sanctions were Japanese firms behaviours to remain in the global semiconductor supply chain in response to Samsung and SK Hynixs supply diversifications. The most meaningful impact of Japans economic sanctions was observed in the global semiconductor supply chain. Samsung and SK Hynix has diversified sources of semiconductor materials, which led to the smaller existence of Japanese companies and increasing influence of Korean and other foreign enterprises. Despite desperate efforts of Japanese firms, Korean semiconductor producers eventually partly exited Japans export market. Korea has continuously voiced their dissents to the sanctions while expanding domestic production and finding non-Japanese trade partners. Domestic chemical producers and foreign suppliers took it as their opportunity to provide their products with global semiconductor giants such as Samsung and SK Hynix.I. Introduction 1 II. Literature Review 6 1. Economic Interdependence 6 2. Economic Sanctions 8 3. Issue Linkage 9 4. Issues of the Existing Literatures 10 III. Research Background and Research Questions 11 1. Research Background 11 2. Research Questions 17 IV. Model 19 1. Existing Perspectives 19 2. Analytical Framework 20 3. Hypotheses 22 V. Background of Japans Economic Sanctions on Korea 27 1. Structure of Korea-Japan Economic Interdependence in the Semiconductor Industry 27 2. Japans Export Control System 29 3. Details of the Economic Sanctions 33 4. The Three Strategic Items Targeted 35 5. The Puzzle of Sudden Economic Sanctions ; Pinpoint Attack on Koreas Sensitivity and its Results 39 VI. Issue-linkage: from Direct to Indirect Linkage 42 VII. Impacts of Japans Economic Sanctions 49 1. Predictions Made by Experts 49 2. Short-term Impacts 51 3. Long-Term Impacts : Diversification of the Global Supply Chain 54 4. Voice, Partly Exit, Loyalty? 59 VIII. Implications 61 IX. Conclusion 63 Bibliography 65Maste

To Cut Pay or Lay Off: Exploring a Vexing HR Challenge

Key Findings: In today’s turbulent business environment the need to reduce payroll costs can arise at any time. Generally, this means resorting to one of two agonizing options: cutting pay or engaging in layoffs. The challenge, of course, is to select the option that meets the firm’s financial needs while minimizing the potential downsides involved. Several studies have examined the negative effects of cutbacks on employees. The results of these studies are of limited value to decision-makers, however, since overwhelmingly they focus either on pay cuts or on layoffs while making no attempt to compare the two. Here we report on a series of three studies that extends previous research in a couple of ways. Initially, by examining pay cuts versus layoffs to test their comparative effects. And then by explicitly considering the ways in which these effects vary depending on the context in which they are executed