Welfare Reform, Precarity and the Re-Commodification of Labour

While welfare reform matters for workers and workplaces, it is peripheral in English-language sociology of work and industrial relations research. This article’s core proposition is that active labour market policies (ALMPs) are altering the institutional constitution of the labour market by intensifying market discipline within the workforce. This re-commodification effect is specified drawing on Marxism, comparative institutionalism, German-language sociology, and English-language social policy analysis. Because of administrative failures and employer discrimination, however, ALMPs may worsen precarity without achieving the stated goal of increasing labour-market participation

Gadolinium and nephrogenic systemic fibrosis: time to tighten practice

Nephrogenic systemic fibrosis (NSF) is a relatively new entity, first described in 1997. Few cases have been reported, but the disease has high morbidity and mortality. To date it has been seen exclusively in patients with renal dysfunction. There is an emerging link with intravenous injection of gadolinium contrast agents, which has been suggested as a main triggering factor, with a lag time of days to weeks. Risk factors include the severity of renal impairment, major surgery, vascular events and other proinflammatory conditions. There is no reason to believe that children have an altered risk compared to the adult population. It is important that the paediatric radiologist acknowledges emerging information on NSF but at the same time considers the risk:benefit ratio prior to embarking on alternative investigations, as children with chronic kidney disease require high-quality diagnostic imaging

Interplay of Nkx3.2, Sox9 and Pax3 Regulates Chondrogenic Differentiation of Muscle Progenitor Cells

Muscle satellite cells make up a stem cell population that is capable of differentiating into myocytes and contributing to muscle regeneration upon injury. In this work we investigate the mechanism by which these muscle progenitor cells adopt an alternative cell fate, the cartilage fate. We show that chick muscle satellite cells that normally would undergo myogenesis can be converted to express cartilage matrix proteins in vitro when cultured in chondrogenic medium containing TGFß3 or BMP2. In the meantime, the myogenic program is repressed, suggesting that muscle satellite cells have undergone chondrogenic differentiation. Furthermore, ectopic expression of the myogenic factor Pax3 prevents chondrogenesis in these cells, while chondrogenic factors Nkx3.2 and Sox9 act downstream of TGFß or BMP2 to promote this cell fate transition. We found that Nkx3.2 and Sox9 repress the activity of the Pax3 promoter and that Nkx3.2 acts as a transcriptional repressor in this process. Importantly, a reverse function mutant of Nkx3.2 blocks the ability of Sox9 to both inhibit myogenesis and induce chondrogenesis, suggesting that Nkx3.2 is required for Sox9 to promote chondrogenic differentiation in satellite cells. Finally, we found that in an in vivo mouse model of fracture healing where muscle progenitor cells were lineage-traced, Nkx3.2 and Sox9 are significantly upregulated while Pax3 is significantly downregulated in the muscle progenitor cells that give rise to chondrocytes during fracture repair. Thus our in vitro and in vivo analyses suggest that the balance of Pax3, Nkx3.2 and Sox9 may act as a molecular switch during the chondrogenic differentiation of muscle progenitor cells, which may be important for fracture healing

Whatever happened to compassionate Conservatism under the Coalition government?

Following David Cameron’s election as leader of the Conservative Party in late 2005, a series of initiatives suggested that he was seeking to reposition the Conservative Party, or perhaps to introduce some new thinking to the Party and to align it with interests and issues that it had not been linked with since at least the start of the Thatcher period. At the time, views among commentators varied about whether this was a genuine attempt to change the Conservative Party, including through a more compassionate approach to some social groups and problems, or whether it was simply designed to ‘detoxify’ the Party and to make it electable once more. However, many observers were unconvinced that the five years of the Coalition government saw significant evidence of the ‘compassionate’ ideas that Cameron and others sought to highlight prior to the 2010 general election. This article explores a number of possible reasons for the apparent disappearance of compassionate Conservatism in relation to social policies under the Coalition government. It suggests that rather than any one explanation, drawing upon a number of interpretations may provide the best understanding of the role and impact of compassionate Conservative ideas from 2010 to 2015